metropolitan electricity authority
the electricity authority of thailand (egat) is formed by the merger of yanhee electricity authority, lignite authority, and northeastern electricity authority .
the metropolitan electricity authority is a state enterprise under the ministry of the interior. it was established on august 1, 1958 under the metropolitan electricity authority act 1958 by combining bangkok electricity authority (wat liab) with samsen royal electricity authority under the department of public works and naming the new organization
the metropolitan electricity authority .
this organization was responsible for generating and selling electrical power in the metropolitan area until 1961 when the generating plant was transferred to yanhee electricity authority, which was later renamed the electricity generating authority of thailand. since then the metropolitan electricity authority has only been in charge of the distribution of electrical power .
» the metropolitan electricity authority (mea) is looking to diversify into electricity generation from distribution now, according to governor arthorn sinsawad .
tepco on twitter :
thailand’s metropolitan electricity authority visited # tepco to learn about # chademo. urltoken
the metropolitan electricity authority (mea) (thai: การไฟฟ้านครหลวง) is a thai state enterprise under the ministry of interior .
the energy industry in thailand did not experience much growth until after world war ii, when demand for electricity began to rise. the nation' s supply during the 1940s and into the 1950s was unreliable at best, prompting the government to take action. in 1958, the thai ministry of the interior enacted the metropolitan electricity authority act, which in effect established the metropolitan electricity authority (mea), an amalgamation of the bangkok electricity authority and the samsen royal electricity authority. the mea generated and sold electric power until 1961, when its generation capabilities were taken over by the yanhee electricity authority, which had been created in 1959 to exploit hydroelectric power in the area .
principal subsidiaries: electricity generating public company ltd. ; ratchaburi electricity generating holding public company ltd .
airbus has supplied one tetra switch, 17 tb3 tetra base stations, 13 dispatcher workstations, 500 tetra handheld radios and 1, 250 tetra mobile radios to the metropolitan electricity authority .
» people' s democratic reform committee (pdrc) protesters visited the office of the metropolitan electricity authority (mea) on wednesday, as part of their daily campaign for reforms, reports said .
the metropolitan electricity authority (mea) is a thai state enterprise under the ministry of interior. its tetra system provides voice and data communications for the company' s personnel in bangkok and neighbouring areas .
» the rear end of a truck dropped into a hole in the road opened by the metropolitan electricity authority (mea), causing a traffic jam in bangkok' s ram intra district before it was lifted out an hour later .
an attempt was made to increase the efficiency of electricity supply in the london area, particularly by concentrating the work of generating at a few large stations, through the creation in 1925 of a london and home counties joint electricity authority, which consisted mainly of representatives of the local authority and company electricity undertakings and of the county councils. but control of electricity generation throughout the country and the task of concentrating it at selected stations were in 1926 placed almost completely in the hands of the central electricity board, so that the london and home counties authority was deprived of much of its purpose. (fn. 11) in a few districts the authority itself took over supply undertakings but none of these was in essex. the development of the national grid under the direction of the central electricity board was more important. it did not affect the local arrangements for the distribution of electricity but it made it advantageous for some of the local authority undertakings to close their own generating stations and buy power in bulk from larger undertakings. as a result of nationalization under the electricity act, 1947, (fn. 12) responsibility for the supply and distribution of electricity passed on 1 april 1948 from the local authority and company undertakings to the eastern electricity board in some parts of the suburban area and to the london electricity board in others .
victoria’s electricity safety authority, energy safe victoria (esv), is urging the community to ensure that air conditioners and evaporative coolers are serviced and properly maintained .
the electricity generating authority of thailand (egat) operates as a state - owned enterprise involved in the generation and transmission of energy throughout thailand, selling wholesale power to both the metropolitan electricity authority and the provincial electricity authority. the group produces over 15, 000 megawatts (mw) of electricity each year and purchases additional power from independent power producers and small power producers. egat maintains a number of hydroelectric, thermal, and alternative energy facilities and offers a variety of energy - related services. controversy and debate have surrounded the state - owned entity as it works to restructure in preparation for its privatization. the thai government plans to launch a public offering for egat, tentatively slated for 2004 .
-: teda co signed contract with electricity generating authority of thailand for supply and construction of transmission line‍​. total value of the contract is 425. 6 million baht .
: teda co has signed contract with provincial electricity authority. contract for supply and construction of samutsakhon 9 substation on july 24, 2017; total value of contract is 298. 1 million baht .
» the plan to open up thailand' s power generation market comes months after the government raised eyebrows at under - performance and rampant price hikes by the electricity generating authority of thailand (egat) .
electricity generating authority of thailand (egat) is the national power company of thailand, with more than 16, 300 megawatts (mw) of installed capacity from its company - run facilities. the firm also purchases electricity produced by domestic independent power producers (ipps) and small power prod... . .
» the energy regulatory commission (erc) has recommended the provincial electricity authority (pea) stop quickly cutting off power to households that do not pay their bills on time, and instead adopt a more flexible policy .
electricity generating authority of thailand (egat) is the national power company of thailand, with more than 16, 300 megawatts (mw) of installed capacity from its company - run facilities. the firm also purchases electricity produced by domestic independent power producers (ipps) and small power prod... .. see more
power shortages prompted the government to act, and on may 1, 1969, the electricity generating authority of thailand (egat) was created. this state - owned entity was formed by combining the assets of yanhee electricity and two other regional concerns, lignite authority and northeastern electricity authority. during the 1970s, egat used fuel oil and hydro power to supply the region. it added several new facilities to its holdings including the oil - fired south bangkok thermal power plant in 1970 and the country' s second hydroelectric plant at the sirikit dam on the mae nam nan tributary in 1974. the company also began to rely on lignite as oil prices started to rise .
the australasian fire and emergency services authority council (afac) recommends monthly testing of smoke alarms to ensure they are working correctly .
establishment: the board was established as an electricity authority by gazettal on 14 dec 1922 to succeed the joint local authority known as the balmoral, coorparoo, wynnum electric supply board, reconstituted with an expanded area of supply. functions: the agency was established to carry out an electric light and power scheme in the towns of sandgate and wynnum and the shires of balmoral, coorparoo enoggera, kedron and toombul and for making and enforcing the necessary by - laws. administrative structure: the agency was a joint local authority duly constituted as an electricity authority under the
electric light and power act 1896
administered by a joint board comprising seven members, one elected from each of the local authorities. abolition: the city of brisbane was created on 1 oct 1925 under the city of brisbane act 1924 by the amalgamation of a number of local authorities, boards and public utilities, including joint local authorities constituted under the local authorities act as electric light and power authorities. accordingly, the metropolitan electricity board ceased to exist. its powers were vested in the council of the city of brisbane from 1 oct 1925 and its administration passed to the electricity department of council .
5. electricity commission, elec. supply undertakings: rtn. of authorised undertakers etc. , 1923, pp. 148–9 .
it is noteworthy that in all these important services whenever there was a change in administration and control it almost invariably involved unification over an area much larger than that of any single local authority. that was, of course, by no means new, but the areas of administration were tending to become larger. moreover, other special bodies, such as the port of london authority, the port sanitary authority, and the metropolitan police, continued to act for a much more extended area than the county of london, and in so doing played a significant part in the affairs of some or all of the essex suburbs. when all this was happening and when the continuously built - up metropolitan area was spreading out faster than ever, it was almost inevitable that the question of the proper governmental relationship between london and its suburbs should be raised again .
mfb is a statutory body established in victoria pursuant to the metropolitan fire brigades act 1958 (vic) (the act). the mfb derives its operational powers from this act along with the :
the subject was brought to prominence by the london county council which in 1919 resolved that its existing area was too small for efficient administration and asked the government to arrange an enquiry. (fn. 40) the sequel was the appointment of a royal commission which took evidence for two years and reported in 1923. the london county council put its case to the commission in a surprisingly diffident way and couched its positive proposals in tentative and imprecise terms, not likely to be nearly so convincing as a definite, detailed scheme in which specific arguments were directly related to specific proposals. roughly, what it wanted was a central authority with about the same number of members as the london county council then had (144), but governing a much larger area. it sought to extend its authority at least over the whole continuous urban area and all adjoining land likely to be built on soon. it preferred to take in also any other districts within the areas of the metropolitan police, the metropolitan water board, and the projected, but not yet established, london and home counties electricity authority. below this central authority it wished to have local authorities with greater powers than those exercised by the existing metropolitan boroughs. in some cases the existing local authorities would have to be enlarged or combined. very tentatively the london county council suggested that it would be most suitable for the new local authorities to have areas containing about 500, 000 inhabitants each. (fn. 41 )
» an electricity pole rising up through the stairway of a new pedestrian bridge was quickly removed on monday after the issue went viral on the social media .
the timely reminder comes after a reported spate of fires by the country fire authority (cfa) in air conditioning units – with as many as five in the last week .
arrangements for electricity supply were less complete at the time of the first world war, as most of the outer suburbs had no supply. chingford, however, was within the statutory area of supply of the north metropolitan electric power supply co. and in 1923 its urban district council negotiated with this undertaking for the introduction of a supply. (fn. 4) dagenham in 1913 was added to the statutory area of the county of london electric supply co. , (fn. 5) which in 1922 received the consent of the electricity commissioners to proceed with the construction of its new power station at barking. (fn. 6) there was therefore no administrative difficulty in providing a supply for the becontree estate. wanstead and woodford, however, remained outside any statutory area of supply. the empire electric light and power co. had in 1903 and again in 1904 sought authority to provide a supply in wanstead, (fn. 7) the national provincial electricity corporation in 1905 had sought similar authority in woodford, (fn. 8) and in 1914 the county of london electric supply co. had tried to get not only wanstead and woodford but several other adjoining districts added to its supply area. (fn. 9) but all these applications were refused. finally in 1923 the north metropolitan and the county of london companies, in direct competition with each other, both sought provisional orders to enable them to supply electricity in wanstead, woodford, buckhurst hill and loughton, and in 1924 the application of the latter was granted. (fn. 10 )
» electricity users will get rebates next year from the money generated by the deposit paid for their power meter in the form of a deduction from their power bill, the energy regulatory commission (erc) said .
egat' s main mission is to run efficient electricity business by providing and transmitting an efficient, reliable, and reasonably priced electric power supply to meet the country' s demand in an environmentally responsible way. in light of the country' s electricity industry reform, egat' s immediate mission is also to restructure its organization to further improve efficiency and be prepared for its new role as the center that manages and controls the national grid in a more competitive market .
in response to these actions, egat created the electricity generating public company ltd. (egco) in 1992. this subsidiary generated power and then sold it to egat. in 1994, egat gained partial independence from the government and was able to sell electricity, purchase fuel, and purchase electricity from ipps and other countries for the first time. by 1996, the government was convinced that privatization would be necessary for energy sector reform, for the stability of the thai economy, and for overall success in the new millennium. certain members of egat management and its trade union - - comfortable with the status quo - - were not as optimistic about the changes and fought against placing egat in the hands of foreign investors .
» the revised national power development plan (pdp) is set to add energy blockchain technology to the master plan to allow very small power producers (vspps) to serve as peer - to - peer electricity traders, says the energy ministry .
acting under the 1978 - 85 power generation development plan, egat continued to construct new power plants. thailand' s third hydroelectric plant at ban pho was launched during this time and was used not only for power, but for irrigation and flood control. a lignite - fueled plant also began operation at mae mo and was generating 825 mw by 1987. by this time, thailand' s power industry was made up of three government - owned concerns: egat; mea, which distributed power to bangkok and the surrounding areas; and the provincial electricity authority (pea), which distributed power outside of bangkok .
queensland government gazette 16 dec 1922, vol. cxix, no. 218, p. 2114 thomis m. , a history of the electricity supply industry in queensland, vol. i; 1888 - 1938, boolarong publications, brisbane 1987, pp. 74, 82, 101, 159 .
these proposals met almost unanimous objection from the other authorities affected by them. in essex only east ham and walthamstow maintained that a satisfactory case had been made out for the establishment of a central authority for an enlarged area, and even they had reservations. (fn. 42) moreover, the favourable attitude of the walthamstow council, strongly influenced as it was by anxiety to obtain relief from the prospective heavy increase in the cost of its sewage disposal service, was decided by the narrow majority of only 18 to 15. (fn. 43) outside essex only one local authority in greater london supported the suggestions of the london county council. (fn. 44 )
some of the local authorities in essex, while preferring to see no change, put forward alternatives which they would prefer to the london county council' s scheme if it was decided that some change there must be. the urban district councils of woodford, buckhurst hill, chingford, loughton, and wanstead (which presented evidence jointly, with the chairman of the woodford u. d. c. as their spokesman) suggested that, in this event, there might be an elected central authority for the metropolitan police district or metropolitan water board' s area and that its duties should be concerned only with transport, housing, main drainage, higher education, the poor law, isolation hospitals, the care of lunatics, and the control of any scheme for the equalization of rates; all other local government services should remain in the hands of the existing local authorities. leyton also preferred this scheme to that of the london county council. (fn. 45) barking suggested a complicated scheme for a central authority many of whose functions should be exercised only within the existing county of london, but which throughout greater london should own and operate the tramways, provide the institutions and institutional treatment then controlled by the poor law authorities, exercise such functions in housing and town planning as were unsuited to local authorities, and provide technical and other forms of higher education. barking also favoured the creation of a separate london traffic authority. (fn. 46) one thing which emerged, however, was that although they opposed the london county council' s scheme, many areas recognized the responsibilities which their special economic ties with london placed on them. even some of the low - rated districts, such as ilford and woodford, were prepared to support a rate equalization scheme for greater london, although it would certainly have had adverse financial effects on them. (fn. 47 )
egat dealt with higher oil prices and oversupply in 2000 and 2001, which threatened to prolong its transition into a public entity. the downturn forced egat to put off purchasing electricity from several ipps. during 2002, however, the thai economy and electricity demand began to rebound. in october of that year, sitthiporn ratanopas took over as governor of egat. at the same time, prime minister thaksin shinawatra created the ministry of energy to oversee the country' s energy holdings. egat had spent its history under control of the prime minister and anticipated that creation of this new office would greatly reduce the amount of time it took to gain approval for certain actions including the application process for new power facilities .
the process of privatization along with opening the energy sector to competition continued in the early years of the new millennium. during 2000, the ratchaburi electricity generating holding company ltd. (ratch) was created as part of egat' s privatization plan. ratchaburi used funds from its public offering - - egat retained a majority interest - - to purchase the ratchaburi power plant. in 2002, egat transferred full control of the plant to ratch, making it the largest ipp in thailand .
thailand' s use of electricity dates back to 1887 with the creation of the siam electric company. the firm used steam from burning rice husks to provide power to its customers, a method used through the 1950s. the thai region proved to have abundant natural resources that could be used for fuel, including rice husks, wood, and bagasse, the dry pulp that remains after sugar cane has been harvested. hydroelectric resources, lignite, oil, and natural gas were also available in the region but were not utilized until later in the 20th century .
while egat' s initial public offering (ipo) was postponed several times, the thai government appeared set to go public in 2004. slated to be the largest offering in thailand' s history, the original plan called for egat to be divided into three separate entities: electricity generation, power transmission, and maintenance services. egat management argued vehemently against a breakup and in march 2003, prime minister thaksin agreed to offer the company as a whole unit. the size of the ipo remained in debate in the summer of 2003 but officials anticipated that the thai government would retain a majority interest .
after the supersession of the commissioners of sewers one major improvement in the flood protection works was planned. the lee conservancy catchment board prepared a scheme which included the stopping up and diversion of several old sewers and the cutting of a broad additional channel leaving the river lea (new cut) at tottenham, near the banbury reservoir, and running through walthamstow and leyton, eastward of the reservoirs, to rejoin the river just below the filter beds of the metropolitan water board at lea bridge. parliamentary sanction was obtained in 1938, but owing to the war the work was deferred. serious flooding in 1947 which, among other things, put the filter station out of action for several days, showed the importance of the project. work on the construction of the new channel was begun in 1950 and completed in 1960. (fn. 39 )
the landscape of thailand' s energy sector began to change in the 1990s. thailand began entertaining the idea of privatizing a large portion of its state - owned entities, including those in its energy sector. in 1992, the government created the national energy policy council (nepc). this council amended the egat act of 1968 in order to end egat' s longstanding monopoly on power generation, which in turn allowed for the private production and sale of electricity. the nepc also laid the groundwork to allow independent power producers (ipps) and small power producers (spps) into the thai market .
the havering and dagenham commissioners of sewers, however, continued to be the main authority for land drainage. their work at this time appears to have involved no large innovations of policy and to have been largely delegated to their officials, the court meeting only twice a year, in june and december. (fn. 27) but the land drainage act (1930) (fn. 28) introduced new arrangements for the whole country outside the county of london. land drainage was to be entrusted to catchment boards constituted by administrative order made by the minister of agriculture and each catchment board was to prepare for confirmation by the minister a scheme which would, inter alia, provide for the abolition of commissioners of sewers within its area. special provisions were made for the lee catchment area. its board was to be made up of the members of the lee conservancy board with six others, of whom essex and middlesex county councils would appoint two each, and the london county council and the minister of agriculture one each. this catchment board was also required to bear a proportionate part of the establishment expenses of the lee conservancy board and of the costs of any works carried out by the lee conservancy board which contributed to land drainage. (fn. 29) the area for which the havering commissioners had been responsible was divided among three boards: the lee conservancy catchment board, the river roding catchment board and the essex rivers catchment board. these were created late in 1930, but, until the schemes of reorganization which they prepared were confirmed, the commissioners continued their work as agents of the boards. (fn. 30) the new scheme for the lee catchment area came into force on 1 february 1934 and those for the other two areas later in the same year. (fn. 31) the court of sewers met for the last time on 14 june 1934. (fn. 32) one curious anomaly remained, however. the land drainage act did not apply to london except for a small part in the lee catchment area. consequently the section of east ham level which was in the metropolitan borough of woolwich could not be included in any catchment area (fn. 33) and the jurisdiction of the havering commissioners there was never legally abolished, though in practice they made no attempt to exercise it. west ham corporation continued to be the catchment authority for the district south of the north side of the royal victoria and albert docks, but the rest of the borough was divided between the lee and roding catchment areas. (fn. 34 )
the value of large joint schemes on the fringe of the metropolitan area had been demonstrated by the recently - completed west middlesex drainage scheme. a similar scheme for east middlesex, which provided for a centralized sewage purification works at edmonton and sludge disposal works at rammey marsh, was sanctioned by the middlesex county council act of 1938, (fn. 22) and chingford, along with waltham holy cross and certain districts in hertfordshire, agreed to participate in the scheme. the outbreak of the second world war caused a ten - year delay in the start of work upon it, but by the middlesex county council act of 1944 (fn. 23) all the local authorities in the district covered by the scheme (including those in essex and hertfordshire) handed over their responsibility for sewage disposal (including their rating powers) to the middlesex county council, which continued to keep the various local sewage works in operation until they could be superseded when the scheme was completed. (fn. 24 )
no change was made in the administrative arrangements for water supply, but a good deal of new work was required from the two responsible undertakings, not merely in extending their mains as building spread, but also in enabling their total supply to keep up with the rising consumption. as the supply of the eastern part of the metropolitan water board' s area had for long been rather difficult, any increase in consumption there posed serious problems. it was impossible to take much more water from the river lea and from wells in the lea valley than had been done at the beginning of the 20th century — an average of 44 million gallons a day was drawn from the lea in 1906–7 and 54 million gallons in 1951–2, whereas total consumption in the board' s unchanged area rose by nearly 50 per cent. in this period. (fn. 13) it was therefore essential to make the fullest use of periods of abundant flow, and this lesson was forced home by the drought which followed the dry summer of 1933 and left the lea very low for a long period. (fn. 14) this experience made the board decide to build the second great chingford reservoir which the east london co. had planned long before. contracts were placed in 1935 but the work was delayed by flooding, by two slips of the embankment, and then by war. as a result the reservoir, which had a capacity of 3, 500 million gallons and was named the william girling (after the chairman of the board), was not brought into use until september 1951. (fn. 15) even then, however, there was no prospect of east london and the essex suburbs being completely supplied from their own local sources, especially as building development higher up in the catchment area of the lea (in particular the establishment of new towns at stevenage and harlow) was likely to reduce the supply which the metropolitan water board could obtain from the river. in 1948 the board therefore decided to build a 75 - inch main from the thames at hampton to chingford. this would make it possible for the ordinary pumping machinery at slack periods to send unfiltered thames water direct to the lea valley reservoirs when the supply from the lea was short. it would then no longer be necessary to retain a special reserve of pumping and filtration plant in order to supply east london and essex with filtered thames water at such times. (fn. 16) this was a long - term project, not completed until 1961 .
one other major service, land drainage and flood protection, which had always been administered without regard to local authority boundaries, was the subject of drastic rearrangement. the first minor alteration came in 1920 when the lee conservancy board, in addition to its existing functions of controlling the navigation and the fishing and preventing pollution, was empowered to spend money on a scheme to prevent floods in the lea valley, and to levy a precept on the local authorities affected by the scheme. (fn. 25) the original scheme was not carried out because it was thought too expensive, but the conservancy board continued to be interested in the matter and eventually agreed on joint action with west ham corporation to improve the various waterways known as the stratford back rivers. some of these were very much neglected and filthy and so impeded with silt and rubbish as to be a frequent contributory cause of flooding. parliamentary sanction for the scheme was obtained in 1930, work was begun in 1931, and the improved waterways, which included an additional navigation channel as well as a drainage stream 100 feet wide, were officially opened in october 1935. (fn. 26 )
in the end the general wish was respected. the royal commission reported that the extension of the dual system of local government to communities outside the county of london would rouse great opposition, and recommended that no change should be made along the lines suggested by the london county council. (fn. 53) the only innovations which followed the enquiry were one or two more ad hoc bodies for specified purposes in a larger area than had been used previously for any metropolitan services. in 1924 a london and home counties traffic advisory committee was set up to report to the minister of transport and advise him on questions concerning traffic and transport within an area of over 1, 800 square miles. in 1933 the london passenger transport board was established with a virtual monopoly of passenger transport in this area, and at the same time the london and home counties traffic advisory committee was made permanent and re - constituted so as to be more representative of local authorities. to its total membership of 40 essex county council and the county borough councils of east ham and west ham each contributed one nominee. (fn. 54) in 1927 a greater london regional planning committee was set up to act in the same area as the traffic advisory committee. this also was reorganized in 1933, and, besides having a representative each from essex county, east ham and west ham, its constitution provided for the minor local authorities to be grouped together for the nomination of representatives. it remained a purely advisory body, whose powers the local authorities were not anxious to see enlarged. (fn. 55 )
during the 1980s, the thai economy and electricity consumption grew at a rapid clip. egat continued to push for the development of new hydro - electric facilities but opposition from environmental groups threatened to thwart the company' s plans and tarnish its image. in 1988, egat' s nam choan dam project was terminated by the government, marking the first time that a major egat project failed to reach fruition. that year proved disastrous for the firm. a drought during the first part of the year took its toll on hydrogeneration, cutting production by nearly 25 percent. then, typhoon gay wreaked havoc on thailand in november and floods caused significant damage to country' s southern provinces and to the dams there. the storm was the worst to hit the region in 35 years, killing 650 residents and injuring thousands. to make matters worse for egat, the flooding of its hydro systems caused dangerous mudslides and sent thousands of logs - - cut by loggers - - careening into villages. in september 1989, egat announced it would curtail domestic hydroelectric power development but set plans in motion to expand capacity in laos along the nam theun river. this decision drew further criticism from environmentalists, who claimed the dams would destroy crucial tropical evergreen forests and have devastating environmental effects on laos .
sewage disposal had not, down to the time of the first world war, been dealt with in so comprehensive a way as these other services. practically every local authority proceeded in this matter independently of its neighbours, though the disadvantages which this entailed for some of them were well known. in 1921 another attempt was made to revive the old proposal of a unified main drainage scheme for the lea valley, and the ministry of health called a conference of the local authorities of enfield, edmonton, southgate, walthamstow and leyton. but on the advice of their engineers, who found technical as well as financial objections to it, these authorities unanimously rejected the proposal. (fn. 17) for the time being any further improvement had to be on a purely local basis. the building of additional houses and the rising consumption of water, however, faced some authorities with the imminent prospect of having so drastically to alter their main drainage and sewage disposal systems that they were reluctant to undertake the task alone. walthamstow, in particular, was inclined to think this a strong reason for agreeing to the extension of the area of the london county council. (fn. 18) most of the districts in which building was going on most rapidly did, in fact, have to make their own expanded arrangements for sewage disposal, though there was some co - operation between neighbours. dagenham, for instance, was able to build a new sewage works outside its own area, in hornchurch, and there dealt with the sewage of part of hornchurch, and some parishes of romford rural district as well as its own. (fn. 19) but some of the older districts were able to find another solution to their problems. walthamstow and leyton, after so many refusals, were at last admitted to the london county council' s main drainage system, the necessary connexions being completed for leyton in 1927 and walthamstow in 1928. (fn. 20) in 1934 new links were also built to bring ilford and barking into the london system. (fn. 21) from this time the london county council was responsible for sewage disposal for more than half the population of the essex suburbs .
1. able to comment mea news. (depends on website administrator setting .) 2. member able to create forum topic and post your comment. 3. able to follow mea news or other infomation .
- bachelor of science in industrial education (electric power engineering), king mongkut’s institue of technology, thon buri - bachelor of engineering (electrical engineering), king mongkut’s institue of technology, thon buri - master of public administration (m. p. a .) (management for executive), national institute of development administration
- bachelor of engineering (civil engineering), chulalongkorn university - master of public administration (m. p. a .), national institute of development administration
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airbus' value - added reseller, drc, was commissioned to implement the system in 2011 .
in 2011, mea signed a contract with the telecommunication system integrator drc (digital research and consulting company limited) on the provision of a digital radio communication solution .
the objective was to improve secure communications at mea. this was achieved by replacing the old analogue radio system with the digital tetra system delivered by airbus .
the mea' s tetra system provides both voice and data services throughout its operating area in the provinces of bangkok, nonthaburi and samut prakarn .
the tetra system also has interfaces to other systems, such as the private automatic branch exchange (pabx) system, the mea information technology system and other communication networks .
this has been a very important project for airbus as this was its first tetra system to be deployed in bangkok .
a tetra connectivity server has also been delivered, making it possible to integrate value - adding applications into the radio communication system .
automatic vehicle location, voice recording and picture transmission are some of the applications supported by the tetra network .
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during the 1960s, the need for power increased significantly in the thailand. the region' s first major oil - fired plant - - the north bangkok power station - - was developed in 1961. this was followed by the creation of the phumiphon dam, a hydroelectric generating facility that began operation in 1964. regional power companies struggled to keep pace with demand and it soon became apparent that major expansion was necessary to avoid a collapse in thailand' s energy sector .
driving the government' s desire for reform were several factors. not only would it reduce its role in the energy industry and provide a new source of state revenues, privatization had the potential to increase overall efficiency of the energy sector as well as promote competition. thailand also believed that making egat a public company would ensure future energy availability, encourage private investment, and lead to a greater focus on energy conservation and environmental issues. the downturn in the asian economy during the late 1990s also forced the issue of privatization. thailand' s economic growth slowed dramatically and energy consumption dropped. the government was forced to launch a major cost restructuring effort which in turn put pressure on egat to restructure and adopt cost efficient business practices .
under the leadership of sitthiporn, egat continued to work towards its foray into public ownership. in a november 2002 interview with asiamoney magazine, the governor explained his overall strategy for egat, claiming ,
the power resources in thailand are very limited. if we need more power to develop the economy in the future, we will have to import the resources .
he went on to state ,
my vision is to make thailand the hub of the asean power grid through co - operation with neighbouring countries. as you know, this region has a wealth of natural energy resources, such as the immense hydropower potential in myanmar, upper laos and southern china, as well as the fossil fuel resources including coal and natural gas in the south. we can help these countries which are less developed to bring their resources on stream. if we can do that, it is good for each country and good for the region as a whole .
sitthiporn concluded ,
we should bring all the power plants into one single grid to be called the asean [ association of southeast asian nations ] grid .
as one of the most profitable state - owned companies in thailand, the future of egat remained very much up in the air and in the public eye. while privatization threatened to unsettle the balance in the country' s energy industry and possibility undermine egat' s bottom line, government officials were determined to see it through believing its completion was crucial to future economic growth. the last decade of the company' s history had brought with it much change - - the coming years would no doubt bring even more .
principal competitors: clp holdings ltd. ; international power plc; thai oil company ltd .
country focus; egat; rough road to privatization ,
power economics, june 30, 1998, p. 34 .
davies, ben ,
can egat' s new governor get it right? ,
asiamoney, november 2002, p. 20 .
egat privatization faces grass - roots resistance ,
power asia, april 24, 1997, p. 1 .
egat privatization for the good of the nation ,
bangkok post, june 23, 2003 .
egat' s belt tightened, share sell off likely ,
power in asia, october 6, 1997 .
egat union blinks first as decks cleared for private sector ,
power asia, february 25, 1991, p. 1 .
for first time, thailand has energy ministry ,
platts oilgram news, october 7, 2002, p. 2 .
greens play havoc with egat ,
power asia, november 20, 1989, p. 1 .
storm damage and lawsuits leave egat fit to be tied ,
power asia, december 19, 1988, p. 16 .
supply from ipps to be postponed ,
business thailand magazine, february 2001 .
thailand reviews long term power plan ,
energy economist, august 1, 1988 .
source: international directory of company histories, vol. 56. st. james press, 2004 .
as consumers, we often take for granted all the hard work that goes into building a great company. as business owners, we marvel at how companies have impacted our lives like apple, microsoft, and even hasbro. finally, we can read about how these great companies came about with urltoken .
» eastern energy plus co (eep), a local operator of waste - to - energy power plants in samut prakan, plans to list on the stock exchange of thailand (set) next year to raise funds for upgrading units in the province .
» the national council for peace and order (ncpo) issued an urgent order on friday for all agencies involved in flood solutions to suspend water management - related projects to allow for a revision of all schemes .
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mfb' s principal decision - making powers affecting members of the public are contained within the act and the regulations, and they should be referred to when detailed information is sought. the responsible minister is the minister for police and emergency services .
the board of management is responsible for the overall governance of the organisation including its strategic direction, establishing goals for management and monitoring the achievement of these goals. the organisation is structured into eight directorates as well as an office supporting the ceo .
the fires occurred in units which have been the subject of regular product recalls by the manufacturer, brivis climate systems pty ltd, for nearly two years .
the units in question – brivis contour evaporative cooler and brivis profiler evaporative cooler – were installed between august 2001 and october 2003 .
in the recall notices, brivis warns that the starting device in the units may fail and in rare cases result in property damage and / or personal injury. the notice urges home occupiers to stop using the units until the rework can be completed.
the metropolitan electricity authority ( mea ) ( thai : การไฟฟ้านครหลวง ) is a thai state enterprise under the ministry of interior . it was established on 1 august 1958 by the metropolitan electricity authority act 1958 ( be 2501 ) . its governor is mr somchai roadrungwasinkul . 
the metropolitan electricity authority (mea) (thai: การไฟฟ้านครหลวง) is a thai state enterprise under the ministry of interior. it was established on 1 august 1958 by the metropolitan electricity authority act 1958 (be 2501). its governor is mr somchai roadrungwasinkul.
the metropolitan electricity authority (mea) (thai: การไฟฟ้านครหลวง) is a thai state enterprise under the ministry of interior. it was established on 1 august 1958 by the metropolitan electricity authority act 1958 (be 2501). its governor is mr somchai roadrungwasinkul.