clockwork orange ( plot )
yeah. a clockwork orange isn' t one of those books with a sympathetic narrator .
ready for a bit of the ol' ultra - violence? here are a few things you should know about stanley kubrick' s a clockwork orange .
the plot against harold wilson is on bbc two at 2100gmt on thursday 16 march 2006 .
harold wilson' s belief that he was the victim of a secret service plot to discredit him is well documented .
a clockwork orange (1962; film 1971) made burgess’s reputation as a novelist of comic and mordant power. the novel is written in a teenage argot of burgess’s invention, combining elements from british and american slang, russian, and other sources. it examines society’s unsuccessful attempt to…
instead of creating individual storyboards, spielberg mapped out the entire path of mann and the truck driver on a mural of drafting paper with notes about each plot point peppering the sheet .
originally rated x, a clockwork orange was nominated for best picture, best director, best film editing and best screenplay, but was defeated in each category by william friedkin' s the french connection (1971). it was one of only two movies rated x on its original release (the other was midnight cowboy (1969) ) that was nominated for a best picture academy award .
a clockwork orange (1971) is producer - director - screenwriter stanley kubrick' s randomly ultra - violent, over - indulgent, graphically - stylized film of the near future. it was a terrifying, gaudy film adaptation of anthony burgess' 1962 satiric, futuristic novel of the same name. this was kubrick' s ninth feature film, appearing between 2001: a space odyssey (1968) and barry lyndon (1975) .
some of mr. wallace' s allegations relate to a project with the title
clockwork orange
. two documents have been found dating from 1975 which contain brief references to a proposed project with that title: the second of these documents was clearly based on the first. it appears that this title was given to a project contemplating the dissemination of an account of the organisation and activities of pira. the documents show that mr. wallace was involved in the project. the documents also state that the project was not cleared. no evidence has been found that, before work on the
clockwork orange
project was stopped, it had been extended to cover protestant organisations and individuals or to include northern irish and british politicians, as mr. wallace has alleged. as my right hon. friend the prime minister stated on 6 may 1987 at column 723 - 732, allegations that the security service was engaged, during the mid and late 1970s, in a plot to destabilise lord wilson' s government were thoroughly investigated by the then director general, who gave her his personal assurance that these stories were false .
but new revelations in bbc drama documentary the plot against harold wilson, to be broadcast next thursday, suggest the labour prime minister was also convinced he was the target of plans to stage a military coup - and that the royal family backed it .
in his book spycatcher, peter wright tells of a plot to force wilson' s resignation by mi5 agents convinced he was a communist spy. wright' s account is often dismissed as an exaggeration, but the drama documentary claims fresh evidence of plots .
despite all the controversy, a clockwork orange was never pulled from american theaters and was nominated for best picture and three other oscars, including best director for kubrick and best adapted screenplay for his script. the film whiffed on all four categories at the ceremony, but it still earned a place in history. along with midnight cowboy, which won best picture in 1970, it' s one of only two x - rated films to be nominated for the oscars' top prize .
one night, after a spree of violence, alex and his gang steal a car and drive until they see a house with a sign in front reading ,
home .
they break into the house where a husband and wife live, and they violently rape the wife in front of the husband. they tear apart the house, and in the midst of this, alex notices a particular piece of writing entitled ,
a clockwork orange .
the four then head back t
prior to kubrick taking over the adaptation of a clockwork orange (ken russell and john schlesinger were among the directors being considered), mick jagger was rumored to be up for the role of alex, with other members of the rolling stones potentially playing alex' s droogs. but when kubrick joined the project, he only wanted one man to play alex: malcolm mcdowell. kubrick had seen the actor in his debut film role in if... ., which features similar anti - authoritarian themes and mcdowell playing a rebellious and violent teen. mcdowell never even had to audition—and if the actor had declined the role, kubrick allegedly would have dropped the project altogether .
a clockwork orange takes place in a futuristic city governed by a repressive, totalitarian super - state. in this society, ordinary citizens have fallen into a passive stupor of complacency, blind to the insidious growth of a rampant, violent youth culture. the protagonist of the story is alex, a fifteen - year - old boy who narrates in a teenage slang called nadsat, which incorporates elements of russian and cockney english. alex leads a small gang of teenage criminals—dim, pete, and georgie—through the streets, robbing and beating men and raping women. alex and his friends spend the rest of their time at the korova milkbar, an establishment that serves milk laced with drugs, and a bar called the duke of new york .
the director first encountered anthony burgess' novel a clockwork orange when his dr. strangelove co - screenwriter terry southern gave him a copy on the set of that film. southern enjoyed the biting black humor of the book, and thought kubrick should consider adapting it into a movie. kubrick allegedly didn' t like the book upon first reading because of the nadsat language burgess created for the novel. the language, literally translated as the russian word for
teen
and comprised of russian and cockney rhyming slang, confused the eventual director until he revisited the source material after his efforts to make a biopic about napoleon fell through. kubrick reportedly began to change his mind when he considered alex as a richard iii - type character .
designer milena canonero sought to create a skewed near - future society with the costumes for a clockwork orange. but kubrick and canonero, who would go on to win an academy award for costume design on kubrick' s barry lyndon (plus additional oscars for chariots of fire, marie antoinette, and the grand budapest hotel) had trouble pinning down the look of alex' s costume. when mcdowell, a cricket fan, came in for a costume fitting with his gear—including protective cup—kubrick told him to keep them out and incorporate his white shirt and cup into the costume. when mcdowell started to dress by putting the jockstrap under his pants, kubrick told him it' d look better over his pants instead, and the look made it into the final movie .
first, that resignation has never been fully explained. the itv programme offers the personal, medical theory: wilson could tell his brain was weakening, and rather than deny reality - as his alzheimer' s - afflicted mother had done - he resolved to quit while he was still on top. but that cause was almost certainly joined by another - one argued in tomorrow' s bbc2 docudrama, the plot against harold wilson .
f. alexander recognizes alex as the ludovico technique subject, and is very interested in his story. he wants to use alex to show the corruption of the government. f. alexander is firmly against the ludovico technique because he believes that it takes away free will, making a person
a clockwork orange .
alex does not want to go along with the plans of f. alexander and his colleagues. he voices his outrage to f. alexander using his nadsat slang. f. alexander recalls this slang from the night when his wife was beaten and raped, and realizes who alex is. he and his colleagues precede to lock alex into a room and blare music, in hopes to drive him to madness. alex becomes very ill and begs them to stop the music. ultimately, he jumps out the window in an attempt to escape the pain .
the title of the film plays upon an orange - shaded background. the setting of the film is england in the near future [ later in the film, the police wear an emblem of elizabeth ii on their lapels ]. in the background, gothic - sounding organ plays purcell' s' elegy on the death of queen mary' - a funereal dirge. [ the music was played on an electronic organ by pioneering synthesist wendy (or walter) carlos. ]
few films are as sensational or infamous as stanley kubrick' s
a clockwork orange
. it' s impossible to sit through aco and not have a reaction; whether it be shock, disgust or amazement. the savage tale of a brutal young droog and his subsequent
reformation
by the government is as shocking and thought - provoking as ever. while the film' s depictions of violence and sex are what it' s most known for, aco works on far deeper levels. the disturbing portrayal of youth and its satirical depiction of a government' s attempts to create a better society are brilliant, but the most fascinating aspect of aco is the questions it poses about good and evil. while the crimes alex commits at the beginning of the film are atrocious, what the government does to him is worse. the film presents the absolute worst aspects of man, but shows that even these are still favorable to a man without the choice. people can denounce the film because of its brutal content, but the importance of the questions it poses can' t be denied. equally excellent to the film' s content is the effort by the crew. kubrick' s perfectionism pays off well, as aco in one of his most visually striking films. malcolm macdowell is nothing short of amazing as alex. kubrick' s use of surreal imagery and set pieces, as well as the ingenious use of music to compliment the on - screen action, creates a world that perfectly reflects the protagonist' s behavior and the government' s policies. a clockwork orange is by no means an easy film to get through, as many will be turned off by the scenes of violence and rape. but this masterpiece is far more complex than a simple romp through a world of youthful violence. it' s a rare example of film - making that demands that the viewer actually think. real horrorshow all around, oh my brothers .
, follow the same basic plot line. fifteen - year - old alex delarge serves as the narrator and anti - hero. alex, along with his three
droogs ,
dim, peter, and georgie, partake in vicious acts of violence against completely innocent victims for entertainment. they spend much of their time in the milk bar drinking drugged milk and speaking their teenage slang, nadsat. alex is their unremorseful and manipulative leader. during the day, alex spends his time cutting school, listening to his beloved beethoven, and reveling in his corruption .
it sounds fantastic, almost comic. but watch greenwood talk of setting up his own private army in 1974 - 75. listen to the former intelligence officer brian crozier admit his lobbying of the army, how they
seriously considered the possibility of a military takeover
. watch the archive footage of troop manoeuvres at heathrow, billed as a routine exercise but about which wilson was never informed - and which he interpreted as a show of strength, a warning, even a rehearsal for a coup. listen to the voice of wilson, who five weeks after resigning summoned two bbc journalists to tell them, secretly, of the plot .
much of this has been known for a while; many of those involved have admitted as much and do so again in the bbc film. yet officially it never happened: a 1987 inquiry under margaret thatcher concluded the allegations were false, implying that the fading wilson had descended into paranoia. this can' t be allowed to stand. not only does it do an injustice to wilson, it also represents an enormous cover - up. for this was the british watergate, a conspiracy designed to pervert the democratic choice of the people. the circumstances of that time - mighty unions and the cold war - were entirely different. but if we are to learn the lessons of the wilson plot, to realise what britain' s hidden powers are truly capable of, then these events deserve a proper reckoning. blair should do a final service to the last labour leader before him to win an election - and establish an independent inquiry .
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urltoken
the story sounds barely credible - a sign, perhaps, that wilson was suffering from paranoia - but it is backed up by corroborating interviews with other senior figures from the time .
the then bbc journalist barrie penrose has outlined some of the detail of the new evidence in an article in this week' s radio times .
he stresses the need to bear in mind the backdrop to the alleged plots, telling the magazine :
our establishment, from the intelligence services down to parts of fleet street, were paranoid about the threat of communism. so paranoid it seems, they were prepared to believe a prime minister of britain was an active soviet spy .
at a time of continuing cold war tensions, industrial unrest was rife, the country had suffered power cuts and a three day working week and in 1975 the government was being warned privately that the economy faced
wholesale domestic liquidation
unless it could tame inflation .
while some on the hard left believed revolution was imminent, former military figures angry at the extent of union control were building private armies, in preparation for the coming conflict .
and it is these mercenaries, the programme says, that wilson feared would be used to stage a coup against him - and that the british army might not come to his aid .
the meetings with wilson the programme is based on were secretly recorded in 1976 by journalists barrie penrose and roger courtiour, weeks after his shock departure from number 10 .
wilson spoke darkly of two military coups which he said had been planned to overthrow his government in the late 1960s and in the mid 1970s ,
penrose writes .
both were said to involve high - ranking elements in the british army, eager to see the back of labour governments .
both involved a member of the royal family - prince louis mountbatten .
lord mountbatten would be installed as an interim prime minister following the military coup, wilson believed .
baroness falkender, wilson' s political secretary, also told the two journalists about her belief military coups had been planned and that she and wilson would be arrested with the rest of the labour cabinet, penrose writes in the radio times .
unbeknown to wilson, courtiour and i secretly recorded many of our meetings with him, almost always conducted at his georgian house at 5 lord north street, close to the house of commons ,
penrose says .
the cumbersome machine was smuggled into his study in a briefcase carried by courtiour. over a period of nine months we accumulated hours of tape recordings. those tapes have, since then, remained untouched in the loft of my kent home and at courtiour' s london home .
wilson told the journalists they
should investigate the forces that are threatening democratic countries like britain
.
they were also startled to be told at their first meeting with him :
occasionally when we meet i might tell you to go to the charing cross road and kick a blind man standing on the corner. that blind man may tell you something, lead you somewhere .
the pair were never asked to go to charing cross road but wilson went on to tell them about his distrust of a group of mi5 officers, who he said were trying to smear him by planting stories in the press about him being an adulterer and a communist spy .
in one of the secretly recorded tapes wilson says :
i am not certain that for the last eight months when i was prime minister i knew what was happening, fully, in security .
new witnesses interviewed for the programme talk about these military coups and mountbatten' s role in them. penrose says they confirm such plotting
wasn' t in the fevered imagination of an embittered ex - pm
.
penrose concludes his radio times article :
you may ask, at the end of the programme, how much of it can be believed. my view now, as it was then, is that wilson was right in his fears... . in answer to the question' how close did we come to a military government' i can only say - closer than we' d ever be content to think .
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tomorrow marks the 30th anniversary of harold wilson' s resignation as prime minister. for most people under 40 that fact will mean little; many will struggle to place the name. and yet, at the time, wilson' s departure was a political earthquake, wholly unexpected and assumed to have reshaped the national landscape. for wilson had been at or close to the top of british politics for 12 years, spending all but four of them in downing street. for a large chunk of the 60s and 70s, the words
prime minister
instantly evoked the face and flat yorkshire vowels of harold wilson .
ow, though, he is all but forgotten. he did not have long to play the elder statesman, pounding the lecture circuit or doing prestigious tv interviews: his galloping alzheimer' s disease, and the assault it made on his once - famed memory, put paid to that. he became a shambling, confused figure, spotted wandering on his own around the house of lords, until his wife mary finally took him off to his beloved isles of scilly. on an itv1 documentary, whose first part aired last night, the journalist john sweeney recalls seeing a familiar face on a westminster park bench, sandwiched between two winos: it was the former pm, his eyes vacant .
yet we should not let wilson slip so easily into oblivion. both his career, and the manner of its ending, have some useful lessons for today - ones that tony blair would do well to heed .
as peter wright confirmed in his book spycatcher, wilson was the victim of a protracted, illegal campaign of destabilisation by a rogue element in the security services. prompted by cia fears that wilson was a soviet agent - put in place after the kgb had, the spooks believed, poisoned hugh gaitskell, the previous labour leader - these mi5 men burgled the homes of the prime minister' s aides, bugged their phones and spread black, anti - wilson propaganda throughout the media. they tried to pin all kinds of nonsense on him: that his devoted political secretary, marcia williams, posed a threat to national security; that he was a closet ira sympathiser .
such talk stoked up an establishment already trembling at what it saw as britain' s inexorable slide towards anarchy, if not communist rule. institutions were collapsing, inflation was rising, tax was at a near - mythic top rate of 98% , and britain was losing the last outposts of empire. above all, the trade unions, riddled with leftists and soviet sympathisers, seemed to have the nation under their thumb .
it was no longer a green and pleasant land, england ,
recalls retired major alexander greenwood, colonel blimp made flesh .
the great and the good feared that the country was out of control, and that wilson lacked either the will or the desire to stand firm. retired intelligence officers gathered with military brass and plotted a coup d' etat. they would seize heathrow airport, the bbc and buckingham palace. lord mountbatten would be the strongman, acting as interim prime minister. the queen would read a statement urging the public to support the armed forces, because the government was no longer able to keep order .
in the process, he might realise how much the two have in common. the early wilson, like the early blair, was hailed as the harbinger of a new britain, in touch with the mood, and the young people, of the age. wilson gave mbes to the beatles, blair gave tea to noel gallagher. both were multiple election winners, skilful players of the media .
still, historians may spot other, less comfortable parallels. first, both took heat for backing the us in an unpopular war: wilson and lbj in vietnam, blair and bush in iraq. second, their reputations were badly muddied by sleaze - specifically alleged abuse of the honours system by handing out gongs and peerages to undeserving cronies. third, they will both stir admiration for the electoral sorcery that produced winning streaks for labour, but will both face a question: what legacy of substance did they leave behind ?
if anything, these parallels are unfair to wilson. he may have publicly backed lbj, but privately he rejected the president' s repeated request to lend even a symbolic british military presence to the war in vietnam; wilson refused to send so much as a marching band. johnson punished him for it, but the pm held firm .
the lavender list was a bad error, rewarding some, like lord kagan, who were later revealed to be corrupt. but wilson did not sell peerages for cash, as blair' s labour has done. in his day there was no need: his labour party was funded by the trade unions, so did not need to go cap - in - hand to millionaires .
as for legacy, wilson was mocked for citing the open university as his greatest achievement: but that is an institution which has changed thousands of lives for the better. along with facing down ian smith in rhodesia, and steering britain towards a common market yes vote in 1975, it' s not such a bad record. blair should reflect on it and pause: if his destiny is to be remembered for iraq, he might prefer to suffer wilson' s recent fate - and be forgotten .
originally published in the guardian on 25 may 1995: harold wilson was one of the men who ruined post - war britain. he was a small, posturing, visionless politician, personally pleasant to his friends and even to his enemies. but his public work was a long, strung - out disaster
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mr. cope: statistics relating to general service grades are not available by department as all posts in this category are advertised by the civil service commission to fill vacancies on a northern ireland civil service - wide basis .
newspapers | overall total - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - independent | 0 social services insight | 1 social work today | 1 health ser journal | 3 belfast telegraph | 218 irish news | 3 news letter | 17 guardian | 3 the times sunday times 5 the observer | 0 nursing times | 2 architects journal | 4 building | 2 engineering news | 0 british med. journal | 23 chartered mech. eng. | 0 hospital engineering | 0 the lancet | 0 londonderry journal | 173 londonderry sentinel | 193 building design | 0 | - - - - - - - totals | 649
( 2) what steps his department is taking to monitor trends in cerebral palsy .
mr. needham [ holding answer 22 january 1990 ]: none. the main agency through which the government support biomedical and clinical research in the united kingdom is the medical research council. however, i understand the department of health is funding some research into the causes of cerebral palsy .
mr. william ross: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland what effects on steel reinforcing have been reported to him as a result of alkali silica reaction or alkali aggregate reaction in the concrete used for the construction of any public building, bridge, sewage works, or water impoundment dam in northern ireland .
mr. william ross: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland whether any alkali silica reaction or alkali aggregate reaction has been reported in any concrete used in the construction of any building or other publicly or government - funded construction now in public ownership in northern ireland .
mr. needham [ holding answer 23 january 1990 ]: i am aware of only one concrete structure in public ownership in northern ireland with a problem which may have been caused by alkali aggregate reaction. the problem is not considered serious, but further investigations are being carried out .
mr. william ross: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland what definition his department uses of a replica firearm .
mr. cope [ holding answer 23 january 1990 ]: article 2 of the firearms (northern ireland) order 1981 defines imitation firearm as
anything which has the appearance of being a firearm whether or not it is capable of discharging any shot, bullet or other missile
. additionally, under the firearms (northern ireland) order 1983 any imitation firearm which is readily convertible with a firearm is treated as if it were a firearm .
mr. william ross: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland what steps he has taken to investigate with the british standards institute the specifications for a standard for (a) firearms and (b) ammunition enclosure for use in domestic premises in northern ireland for sporting firearms and ammunition .
mr. cope [ holding answer 23 january 1990 ]: none directly, but the royal ulster constabulary has contributed to the home office study with the british standards institute on the subject .
mr. william ross: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland whether the royal ulster constabulary issues a receipt for each firearm taken into the possession of the police when a firearm certificate is not renewed .
mr. cope [ holding answer 23 january 1990 ]: the chief constable of the royal ulster constabulary has informed me that an official receipt is given in such circumstances .
mr. william ross: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland whether the royal ulster constabulary issues reminders to the holders of firearms certificates before the expiry of the certificates (a) before the renewal of the certificate and (b) before the normal period taken to process such a renewal application .
mr. cope [ holding answer 23 january 1990 ]: the chief constable of the royal ulster constabulary has informed me that a reminder is sent to the firearm certificate holder one month prior to the month in which his certificate is due for renewal. a final reminder is sent one month after the end of the month in which the certificate was due for renewal. local police may also contact the firearm certificate holder if they consider it justified .
mr. william ross: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland whether, within the last three years, any firearm in northern ireland was taken into the possession of the police because the owner' s firearm certificate had not been processed and returned before the expiry date, in cases where the certificate had been sent, or given to the police for renewal before the expiry date .
mr. cope [ holding answer 23 january 1990 ]: the chief constable of the royal ulster constabulary has informed me that the information is not available in the form requested and could only be obtained at disproportionate cost. if the hon. gentleman has any specific case in mind, i will make inquiries .
dr. godman: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland if he will make a statement concerning the disposal of harland and wolff and that shipyard' s present and future work load .
mr. needham [ holding answer 25 january 1990 ]: the sale of the harland and wolff business to a new company set up by the management and employees backed by fred olsen was completed on 8 september 1989. as the company is no longer in public ownership, it would be inappropriate for me to comment on its work load .
mr. john d. taylor: to ask the secretary of state for northern ireland whether the fair employment commission was requested to register in accordance with the fair employment (northern ireland) act 1989 prior to the nominated date of 15 january 1990; and how many persons are presently employed by the fair employment commission .
mr. needham [ holding answer 26 january 1990 ]: the fair employment commission is specified as a public authority in the fair employment (specification of public authorities) order (northern ireland) 1989 and is therefore automatically treated as registered under the act. at 19 january 1990, the commission employed 34 staff .
mr. austin mitchell: to ask the secretary of state for employment what is his estimate of the increase in average earnings each year for manuals and non - manuals in the private sector less manufacturing, based on the weighted average difference between the figures given in his letter of 11 january and those for the public sector as a whole .
mr. nicholls: the calculation requested would not be meaningful, for the reasons stated in my letter to the hon. member .
mr. austin mitchell: to ask the secretary of state for employment, pursuant to his answer of 20 december 1989, official report, column 235, whether he will publish in the official report the information supplied in his letter of 11 january, together with his best estimate of the numbers currently employed in (a) each of the specified categories, (b) manufacturing in the public sector and (c) private sector other than manufacturing .
mr. nicholls: i refer the hon. member to my reply to him on 18 january 1990 at columns 396 - - 98. the remaining earnings information requested is provided in the table .
estimates of the numbers in employment for the categories requested are not available except for non - manual male employees in manufacturing, of which there were 917, 300 employees in september 1989, the latest available estimate .
percentage increase in weekly and hourly earnings of full - time adult male employees (a) manual not in public sector april of each | weekly | hourly year | earnings | earnings | per cent. | per cent. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1980 (b) | 18. 6 | 20. 4 1981 (b) | 8. 1 | 11. 2 1982 (b) | 10. 1 | 9. 9 1983 (c) | 7. 5 | 7. 7 1984 | 8. 9 | 7. 7 1985 | 8. 1 | 7. 7 1986 | 6. 3 | 6. 6 1987 | 7. 0 | 6. 7 1988 | 8. 1 | 6. 8 1989 | 9. 5 | 8. 8 notes: (a) average gross weekly and hourly earnings, not affected by absence, for those on adult rates; manufacturing as defined in the 1980 sic (but see notes (b) and (c) ). (b) males aged 21 and over on all rates; 1968 sic definition of manufacturing. (c) males aged 21 and over on all rates; 1980 sic definition of manufacturing .
mr. vaz: to ask the secretary of state for employment what plans he has to provide equal employment rights for home workers .
mr. nicholls: home workers who are employees already have the same employment rights as other employees .
dr. thomas: to ask the secretary of state for employment if he will identify the relevant costs per head for employment training trainees participating in the programme through training managers who operate nationally and locally in the voluntary sector .
mr. nicholls: information on the cost per trainee in employment training for training managers which are voluntary organisations is not available .
ms. short: to ask the secretary of state for employment, what are the statistics for great britain and each training agency region, for each month since october 1989 showing the results of new client adviser interviews with people who want to register as unemployed, broken down in the same categories as in his answer of 30 october 1989, official report, columns 1 - 2 .
mr. eggar: as the information requested is contained in a number of tables, i will write to the hon. member, and place a copy of my letter in the library .
mr. lee: to ask the secretary of state for employment what is the latest national estimate of the numbers of (a) white on brown tourism signs and (b) tourist information centres .
mr. nicholls: a figure for the total number of white on brown tourist signs is not readily available and could only be obtained at disproportionate cost .
mr. andrew f. bennett: to ask the secretary of state for employment how many individuals are currently circulated with the following minutes of health and safety commission meetings (i) commission minutes, (ii) management board minutes, (iii) chief inspectors management meeting minutes and (iv) executive minutes; if he has knowledge of any proposals to extend the current circulation; and if he will place copies of these in the library .
mr. nicholls: the circulation of these minutes is an internal matter for the health and safety commission and executive .
mr. strang: to ask the secretary of state for employment how many prosecutions have been undertaken by the health and safety executive under section 6 of the health and safety at work etc. act 1974; and how many of these were successful .
mr. nicholls [ holding answer 29 january 1990 ]: from 1975 - 1980, hse' s factory inspectorate laid 130 informations under section 6, of which 110 resulted in convictions, while five informations were withdrawn. in the period 1981 to the end of the financial year 1987 - 88 (the latest year for which figures are currently available), the factory and agricultural inspectorate laid 224 informations, of which 184 were successful and 17 withdrawn. data on section 6 prosecutions taken by other inspectorates within hse cannot be provided without disproportionate cost .
sir trevor skeet: to ask the secretary of state for employment whether he proposes to introduce new building safety regulations to accommodate contemporary requirements in the glass and ceramic industry .
mr. nicholls: [ holding answer 29 january 1990 ]: i am informed by the chairman of the health and safety commission that there are no current plans for new regulations concerning glazed structures under the health and safety at work etc. act 1974 .
however, my right hon. friend the secretary of state for the environment is proposing to issue a consultative paper including proposals for requirements relating to safety glazing under the building regulations 1985 .
mr. robertson: to ask the secretary of state for employment who will represent his department at the social affairs meetings of the council of ministers on 1 and 2 march, and 26 and 27 april; and what the agenda will be for both meetings .
mr. eggar: i expect to attend the informal meeting of the labour and social affairs council on 1 and 2 march. the agenda is expected to include discussions on long - term unemployment, training in eastern europe and the social dialogue .
it is likely that a social security minister will attend the informal social security ministers council on 26 and 27 april. this will depend on the agenda, which is not yet known .
( 2) if he will place in the library the two studies on repetitive strain injury which have just been completed for the health and safety executive by the universities of birmingham and edinburgh .
mr. nicholls: the report of the study carried out by the institute of occupational medicine in edinburgh is found in the library, deposited paper no. 5131. the health and safety executive is still awaiting the report from the university of birmingham. the executive is currently supporting a small study at the institute of occupational medicine in edinburgh, which follows on from the earlier project. the current study aims to produce an ergonomic guide or assessment aid which will enable non - experts to identify work activities which may lead to upper limb disorders. it started on 1 october 1989, finishes on 31 march 1990 and will cost £17, 783. negotiations are currently taking place between the health and safety executive and the institute on possible support for research into upper limb disorders occurring in keyboard operators .
mr. ashley: to ask the secretary of state for employment when the health and safety executive plans to publish guidelines aimed at preventing repetitive strain injury; and what plans he has to publicise these guidelines .
mr. nicholls: the health and safety executive plans to publish guidance entitled
work related upper limb disorders: a guide to prevention
in spring this year. the guidance will be publicised by means of a press notice. the executive' s inspectors and employment medical advisers will bring it to the attention of employers in the course of their duties. the hse is also producing clinically oriented guidance for occupational health professionals and a check list and risk assessment guide aimed at employers .
mr. terry davis: to ask the secretary of state for employment how much of the expenditure on printed material for
action for jobs
in 1985 - 86, 1986 - 87 and 1987 - 88 was spent through the central office of information .
mr. eggar: all the expenditure on producing and distributing printed material for
action for jobs
during the periods 1985 - 86, 1986 - 87 and 1987 - 88 was spent through the central office of information .
mr. strang: to ask the secretary of state for employment what arrangements the training agency is making to monitor the quality of the corporate plans presented by prospective training executive councils; and when he expects to place copies of these plans in the library .
mr. eggar [ holding answer 24 january 1990 ]: corporate plans submitted by training and enterprise councils will be assessed by the national training task force under the chairmanship of brian wolfson. the task force' s recommendation will be forwarded to me for approval .
the contract between my department and the tec will require that a full copy of the plan must be made available to the public at the registered office of the tec. the contract will also provide that the tec publishes a summary of the plan within three months of the start of the plan. i shall arrange for these summaries to be placed in the library as they become available .
( 3) how many men were killed in mines operated by british coal in 1978 - 79 and each succeeding year .
mr. nicholls [ holding answers 29 january 1990 ]: it is not possible separately to identify fatal and major injuries in british coal and licensed coal mines before 1985 - 86 without incurring disproportionate costs. the following tables give the information that is valuable to her majesty' s inspectorate of mines .
| major injuries | fatal injuries | at all coal | at all coal | mines | mines - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 1978 | 494 | 63 1979 | 473 | 46 1980 | 512 | 42 < 1 > 1981 | 815 | 35 1982 | 865 | 38 1983 | 824 | 30 < 2 > 1984 - 85 | 378 | 22 < 1 > the introduction of nado regulations 1980 on 1 january 1981 widened the coverage of the serious injury category. figures from 1981 are therefore not directly comparable with those for earlier years. < 2 > covering the 15 month period january 1984 - march 1985 .
| major injuries | major injuries | fatal injuries | at licensed | at british | at british | coal mines | coal mines | coal mines - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - < 1 > 1985 - 86 | 17 | 715 | 28 1986 - 87 | 30 | 952 | 15 1987 - 88 | 27 | 729 | 9 < 1 > the introduction of the riddor regulations 1985 on 1 april 1986 further widened the major injury category .
mr. dobson: to ask the secretary of state for employment whether the mines inspectorate received copies of the annual reports of the national coal board and the british coal corporation in each year since 1978 - 79 .
mr. nicholls [ holding answer 29 january 1990 ]: the health and safety executive' s mines inspectorate has received copies of these annual reports .
mr. william ross: to ask the secretary of state for defence if he will place in the library a copy of his department' s report into the condition and maintenance of the national sports centre, cardiff indoor firearms range completed between july and december 1989 following the incident which led to the temporary closure of the range last summer .
mr. archie hamilton: the report on the condition of the indoor range at the national sports centre, cardiff was provided by the army in its capacity as safety advisor to the sports council of wales. decisions about the publication of the report and the future of the range are matters for the sports council of wales .
mr. amos: to ask the secretary of state for defence if he will ensure that, henceforth, information will be gathered to establish the amount of low - flying activity over northumberland; and if he will make a statement .
mr. neubert: my right hon. friend has no plans to do so .
mr. livingstone: to ask the secretary of state for defence on what date the royal military police interviewed captain fred holroyd, retired, concerning the kincora boys' home as referred to in his reply to the adjournment debate on 29 november 1989, official report, column 819 .
mr. archie hamilton [ holding answer 15 january 1990 ]: captain holroyd was initially interviewed by the royal military police about kincora on 22 may 1982 .
mr. michael marshall: to ask the secretary of state for defence whether he will make a statement about the allegations of mr. colin wallace concerning the activities of the army and of the security service in northern ireland during the 1970s and about mr. wallace' s appeal against his dismissal from the civil service for disclosing a classified document to an unauthorised person on 4 february 1975 .
mr. archie hamilton: in the course of recent work in dealing with parliamentary inquiries about the case of mr. colin wallace, records have been found which have brought to light new information relating to matters which arose under earlier administrations. ministers have not, of course, been told what advice was given to former labour ministers, nor what views they expressed, with the exception of decisions by the then attorney - general. i think it right to report this new information to the house. my noble friends lord carrington and lord whitelaw, the noble lord, lord mason, and the right hon. member for morley and leeds south (mr. rees) have been consulted about the terms of this statement .
as the house knows, mr. wallace accepted on 15 march 1968 an appointment as an assistant information officer at the army' s northern ireland command headquarters (hqni). he became an established information officer from 14 december 1971 and a senior information officer with effect from 27 september 1974, having first held this latter post on temporary promotion .
mr. wallace left hqni for the army' s north - west district headquarters on 4 february 1975, having handed over his duties at hqni on 31 january 1975. on 4 february 1975 mr. wallace delivered a restricted document at the home of a journalist, without any authority to do so. on 25 june 1975, mr. wallace was informed that he would be dismissed from the civil service for this action. he appealed to the civil service appeal board, which heard his case on 17 october 1975. the csab concluded that there was justification for the department' s decision that mr. wallace' s services could not be retained: but that, having regard to his previous good record of service, if mr. wallace wished to offer his resignation, the department should accept this as an alternative to dismissal. mr. wallace resigned with effect from 31 december 1975 .
mr. wallace claimed in his appeal that his action in passing the document to the journalist was done with the intention of safeguarding the interests of the department, and that it was in accordance with his terms of reference and the nature of his duties. he said that those duties included unattributable briefing of journalists, which sometimes included the revelation of privileged and sensitive information; and that he often had to exercise his judgment as to how much information he could reveal .
in its statement to the csab, the ministry of defence accepted that the duties of the post, as described in the job specification set out in the relevant trawl notice, came in practice to include some kinds of unattributable briefing. mr. wallace claimed that the job specification given in the
trawl notice dealt only with his straightforward public relations duties and that there was also a further job specification classified secret .
mod did not contest the evidence on mr. wallace' s behalf, but it did not acknowledge the existence of a supplementary job specification; nor did it make a copy available, as mr. wallace had requested. more recently, the existence of any supplementary job specification has been denied; and indeed no evidence has been found in the documentation still available that mr. wallace was given any formal supplementary directive or job specification.
clockwork orange is the name of the secret british security services project which was alleged to have involved a right-wing smear campaign against british politicians from 1974 to 1975 . the black propaganda led prime minister harold wilson to fear that the security services were preparing a coup d'état . the operation takes its name from a clockwork orange , the 1971 stanley kubrick film . the project was undertaken by members of the british intelligence services and the british army press office in northern ireland , whose job also included routine public relations work and placing disinformation stories in the press as part of a psychological warfare operation against the provisional irish republican army . one of the project 's members , colin wallace , who was the press officer at the army headquarters in northern ireland , also claims that in 1973 , after mi5 became the primary intelligence service in northern ireland , the project began giving briefings to foreign journalists against members of wilson 's government . these briefings included distributing forged documents in an attempt to show that the victims were communists or irish republican sympathisers leading a campaign to destabilise northern ireland or were taking bribes . after his resignation , prime minister harold wilson claimed that he was the target of a planned military coup . he also denounced a campaign to smear him staged by members of mi5 in order to force his resignation . according to journalist barry penrose " wilson spoke darkly of two military coups which he said had been planned to overthrow his government in the late 1960s and in the mid 1970s . " in january 1974 the british army carried out operation marmion , the occupation of london heathrow airport on the grounds of training for possible violent non-state actor activity at the terminal , without wilson 's foreknowledge . the operation was repeated on three more occasions in june , july and september . these military deployments were perceived as a practice-run for a military takeover rather than an anti-terrorist exercise . airey neave , the conservative member of parliament ( mp ) was alleged to have been involved with clockwork orange , and to have briefed wallace on a number of occasions . other than wallace 's testimony , the primary evidence for the existence of this plot consisted of a series of handwritten notes taken by wallace in meetings with other members of the plot . journalists investigating wallace 's story had these notes analysed by a forensic scientist , and the results were found to be consistent with the notes having been taken contemporaneously . in the house of commons , on 30 january 1990 , junior defence minister archie hamilton , admitted the existence of a project called clockwork orange , although he claimed that there was no evidence that this project involved a smear campaign against politicians . 
clockwork orange is the name of the secret british security services project which was alleged to have involved a right-wing smear campaign against british politicians from 1974 to 1975. the black propaganda led prime minister harold wilson to fear that the security services were preparing a coup d'état. the operation takes its name from a clockwork orange, the 1971 stanley kubrick film. the project was undertaken by members of the british intelligence services and the british army press office in northern ireland, whose job also included routine public relations work and placing disinformation stories in the press as part of a psychological warfare operation against the provisional irish republican army. one of the project's members, colin wallace, who was the press officer at the army headquarters in northern ireland, also claims that in 1973, after mi5 became the primary intelligence service in northern ireland, the project began giving briefings to foreign journalists against members of wilson's government. these briefings included distributing forged documents in an attempt to show that the victims were communists or irish republican sympathisers leading a campaign to destabilise northern ireland or were taking bribes. after his resignation, prime minister harold wilson claimed that he was the target of a planned military coup. he also denounced a campaign to smear him staged by members of mi5 in order to force his resignation. according to journalist barry penrose " wilson spoke darkly of two military coups which he said had been planned to overthrow his government in the late 1960s and in the mid 1970s. " in january 1974 the british army carried out operation marmion, the occupation of london heathrow airport on the grounds of training for possible violent non-state actor activity at the terminal, without wilson's foreknowledge. the operation was repeated on three more occasions in june, july and september. these military deployments were perceived as a practice-run for a military takeover rather than an anti-terrorist exercise. airey neave, the conservative member of parliament (mp) was alleged to have been involved with clockwork orange, and to have briefed wallace on a number of occasions. other than wallace's testimony, the primary evidence for the existence of this plot consisted of a series of handwritten notes taken by wallace in meetings with other members of the plot. journalists investigating wallace's story had these notes analysed by a forensic scientist, and the results were found to be consistent with the notes having been taken contemporaneously. in the house of commons, on 30 january 1990, junior defence minister archie hamilton, admitted the existence of a project called clockwork orange, although he claimed that there was no evidence that this project involved a smear campaign against politicians.
clockwork orange is the name of the secret british security services project which was alleged to have involved a right-wing smear campaign against british politicians from 1974 to 1975. the black propaganda led prime minister harold wilson to fear that the security services were preparing a coup d'état. the operation takes its name from a clockwork orange, the 1971 stanley kubrick film. the project was undertaken by members of the british intelligence services and the british army press office in northern ireland, whose job also included routine public relations work and placing disinformation stories in the press as part of a psychological warfare operation against the provisional irish republican army. one of the project's members, colin wallace, who was the press officer at the army headquarters in northern ireland, also claims that in 1973, after mi5 became the primary intelligence service in northern ireland, the project began giving briefings to foreign journalists against members of wilson's government. these briefings included distributing forged documents in an attempt to show that the victims were communists or irish republican sympathisers leading a campaign to destabilise northern ireland or were taking bribes. after his resignation, prime minister harold wilson claimed that he was the target of a planned military coup. he also denounced a campaign to smear him staged by members of mi5 in order to force his resignation. according to journalist barry penrose " wilson spoke darkly of two military coups which he said had been planned to overthrow his government in the late 1960s and in the mid 1970s. " in january 1974 the british army carried out operation marmion, the occupation of london heathrow airport on the grounds of training for possible violent non-state actor activity at the terminal, without wilson's foreknowledge. the operation was repeated on three more occasions in june, july and september. these military deployments were perceived as a practice-run for a military takeover rather than an anti-terrorist exercise. airey neave, the conservative member of parliament (mp) was alleged to have been involved with clockwork orange, and to have briefed wallace on a number of occasions. other than wallace's testimony, the primary evidence for the existence of this plot consisted of a series of handwritten notes taken by wallace in meetings with other members of the plot. journalists investigating wallace's story had these notes analysed by a forensic scientist, and the results were found to be consistent with the notes having been taken contemporaneously. in the house of commons, on 30 january 1990, junior defence minister archie hamilton, admitted the existence of a project called clockwork orange, although he claimed that there was no evidence that this project involved a smear campaign against politicians.