interpretatio christiana
interpretatio christiana
: gems on the shrine of the three kings in cologne / erika zwierlein - diehl .
interpretatio christiana: les mutations des savoirs (cosmographie, géographie, ethnographie, his: urltoken h. inglebert: 9782851211866: books
nga library |
interpretatio christiana
: gems on the shrine of the three kings in cologne / erika zwierlein - diehl .
interpretatio christiana: les mutations des savoirs (cosmographie, géographie, ethnographie, histoire) dans l' antiquité chrétienne (30 - 630 après j. c. )
interpretatio christiana: les mutations des savoirs (cosmographie, geographie, ethnographie, histoire) dans l' antiquite chretienne (30 - 630 apres j. c .) (review )
project muse - interpretatio christiana: les mutations des savoirs (cosmographie, geographie, ethnographie, histoire) dans l' antiquite chretienne (30 - 630 apres j. c .) (review )
, ed. r. w. mathisen and h. s. sivan (cornwall 1996), 285–298. cf. also a. delivorrias, “interpretatio christiana: about the boundaries of the pagan and christian worlds, ” in :
eberlein, johann konrad (munich) [ german version ] a. introduction (ct) by interpretatio christiana (ic) is meant in the most general sense the reception of a non - christian cultural element or historical fact with a view to adapting it to christianity by means of appropriate interpretation. since such a method implies a philosophical and philological basis of the kind that would not be expected in the new religion before the end of the 2nd cent. , the idea of the ic is embedded in a complex intellectual history, the premises and components of which have to be taken into consideration [ 1 ]. eb…
this year, i’ve been returning to my roots and thinking more seriously about the archaeology of the early christian world. i’ve been reading a bunch of the recent work focusing on the intersection of early christian studies and archaeology, and surfing through some of my favorite journals to catch up on recent articles on issues like christianization and the construction of christian landscapes. i was fairly intrigued by troels myrup kristensen’s article in the journal of early christian studies, “ landscape, space, and presence in the cult of thekla at miriamlik ” and jacqueline sturm’s, “ the afterlife of the hephaisteon: the interpretatio christiana of an ancient athenian monument, ” in hesperia .
i. law [ german version ] a. concept interpretatio is interpretation, not only of texts but also of oral declarations and other matters of legal import. the topos of simple truth requiring no mediator (petron. sat. 107, 15) does not apply to the specialist knowledge of astrologers (cf. divination), philologists (on both: cic. div. 1, 34; 2, 92) and jurists (cic. leg. 2, 59). at the end of the republic, the words interpres (‘interpreter’) and interpretari (‘to interpret’) become conflated into the abstract interpretatio [ 3. 80ff. , 91ff. ]; this is already true of legal interpre…
jacqueline sturm’s article on the christianization of the hephaisteion is remarkable for several reasons. first, like the site of miriamlik, the hephaisteion has not seen significant new archaeological investigation for two generations. in fact, there has been little significant archaeological work on the christianization of athens in the last 50 years and most of the more recent scholarship has been a reconsideration of longstanding archaeological evidence with all of its limitations and ambiguities. sturm’s article argues that the centauromachy on the temple’s frieze was susceptible to an interpretatio christiana which saw the battle as the conflict of good versus evil. this led to the temple undergoing a “gentle” conversion to a church in the fifth - century rather than showing evidence for more destructive forms of spoliation and conversion .
hervé ingelbert' s interpretatio christiana is an extraordinary work. not only is it well crafted and thoroughly researched, but it also takes up the study of the christian transformation of ancient savoirs with unparalleled intellectual energy and scrupulous attention to detail. in this book inglebert succeeds admirably well in living up to his intention of providing a more comprehensive study of the evolution of the cultural encounter between pagan and christian intellectuals than marrou does in his work on ancient christianity. while recognizing the importance of marrou' s work, inglebert nevertheless sets out to map a significant portion of the intellectual terrain of the ancient world. the six hundred - plus pages that he devotes to this endeavor span a period of roughly nine centuries and draw upon sources from greek, latin, syrian, armenian, and jewish traditions .
( ic) is meant in the most general sense the reception of a non - christian cultural element or historical fact with a view to adapting it to christianity by means of appropriate interpretation. since such a method implies a philosophical and philological…
, antiquity volumes edited by: hubert cancik and, helmuth schneider, english edition by: christine f. salazar, classical tradition volumes edited by: manfred landfester, english edition by: francis g. gentry. consulted online on 09 july 2018 < urltoken >
the options below allow you to export the current entry into plain text or into your citation manager .
clicking export to refworks will open a new window, or an existing window if refworks is open already .
collection des études augustiennes paris: institute d' études augustiniennes, 2001 pp. 632. 49, 42 bf .
eschewing more frequently studied areas such as philosophy, theology, and biblical studies, he concentrates his attention on four areas of ancient learning: cosmography, geography, ethnography, and historiography. though the latter half of the book focuses solely on historiography, inglebert judiciously prepares the ground for this discussion in the first part of the book. his treatment of what the ancients meant by the first three disciplines displays a sensitivity to the different cultural contexts in which these bodies of knowledge arose: linguistic, regional, and social. on the basis of this nuanced discussion, he adopts the model of a filter and assesses the nature of the christian reaction to these disciplines using the fourfold schema of refusal, indifference, synthesis, and original contribution. what emerges in the end is a clear sense of the complementary nature of the four disciplines and the extent to which christians based their appraisal of these disciplines on the foundation of their own familiarity with greek paideia .
inglebert' s balanced and illuminating assessment of the christian transformation of ancient learning rests on a complex analysis of the dynamics of this change. on the basis of a preliminary analysis of the christianization of the ancient savoirs of cosmography, geography, and ethnography, the author constructs an intricate argument that requires multiple levels of interpretation. initially, he elaborates the chronological development of the christian transformation of greek paideia as it passed from the greeks to the latins, syrians, and armenians while emphasizing the extent to which the influence of jewish thought and social milieu modified or obstructed the transfer of this knowledge to christians .
next, he demonstrates how christian belief provided the means by which christians were able to transform the ancient notion of scientia. in this context, he disputes the claim that parallels can be found between the ancient notion of knowledge and the rationalistic conception of modern science as well as the belief that if no parallels exist, the christian transformation of greek scientia [ end page 433 ] ends in obscurantism. instead, he argues that faith provided epistemological insight into the unifying knowledge of christian wisdom that enabled christians to overcome the conflicting logoi proposed by pagans in their effort to resolve the dilemma of divergent mythological interpretations of the world. and yet, inglebert acknowledges that while the true philosophy of christianity allowed for the possibility of understanding the contents of faith, at times christians depended upon the same unscientific knowledge of the world as the ancients did. reflection on christian exegesis reveals the use christians made of literal and figurative interpretations of scripture to reconcile conflicts between christian belief and classical paideia .
finally, inglebert examines in considerable depth what he regards as the most astounding achievement of the christian transformation of ancient thought, namely, the invention of a universal history of humankind that had its roots in the messianic trajectory of christianity and its ongoing dialogue with the pagan world. this ...
if you would like to authenticate using a different subscribed institution that supports shibboleth authentication or have your own login and password to project muse, click' authenticate' .
project muse promotes the creation and dissemination of essential humanities and social science resources through collaboration with libraries, publishers, and scholars worldwide. forged from a partnership between a university press and a library, project muse is a trusted part of the academic and scholarly community it serves .
©2018 project muse. produced by johns hopkins university press in collaboration with the sheridan libraries .
this website uses cookies to ensure you get the best experience on our website. without cookies your experience may not be seamless .
we don' t know when or if this item will be back in stock .
instantly receive a £10 urltoken gift card if you’re approved for the amazon platinum mastercard with instant spend. representative 21. 9% apr (variable) .
credit offered by newday ltd, over 18s only, subject to status. terms apply .
enter your mobile number or email address below and we' ll send you a link to download the free kindle app. then you can start reading kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no kindle device required .
publisher: institut d' etudes augustiniennes; 01 edition (7 nov. 2001 )
prime members enjoy fast & free shipping, unlimited streaming of movies and tv shows with prime video and many more exclusive benefits .
after viewing product detail pages, look here to find an easy way to navigate back to pages you are interested in .
for luh campus users we will be happy to check if free access is available for you .
© metadata copyright the british library board and other contributors. all rights reserved .
the table of contents of the conference proceedings is generated automatically, so it can be incomplete, although all articles are available in the tib .
studies in the history of art (washington, d. c .) v. 54 (1997), p. 63 - 83 .
discusses the wide range of engraved gems on the medieval shrine of the three kings in cologne cathedral and how their classical subjects were reinterpreted to have christian meanings. focuses on the three large stones from the removable trapezoidal plate on the front of the shrine: the ptolemy cameo from the hellenistic period (toward 270 b. c .) (formerly part of the shrine but now in vienna, kunsthistorisches museum), the sard intaglio of venus and mars from the third quarter of the first century b. c. and the sardonyx cameo of nero and agrippina from soon after 54 a. d .
nicholas, of verdun, approximately 1150 - approximately 1210 - - individual works - - shrine of the three kings (attributed) gems - - religious aspects. christian art and symbolism - - medieval, 500 - 1500. gems, ancient. ptolemy cameo .
open mon: 12 p. m. - 4: 30 p. m. , tue - fri: 10: 00 a. m. - 4: 30 p. m .
, all follow this pattern. this distinction was gradually broken down, perhaps earliest in roman africa, as relics of the saints came to be kept in city - centre churches. by the 6th century bishops were often buried inside their cathedral, and other christians followed .
given the plethora of worship locations for various cults, many had fallen into disuse well before the rise of christianity. the establishment of a third century roman military camp in the temple complex at luxor demonstrates an ongoing process of adaptive re - use. obsolete temples often had their stone elements
for use in new construciton. many ancient accounts of the manner of conversion of non - christian places of worship into churches are not borne out by subsequent on - site archaeology .
at the end of the 4th century. initially they were shunned by christians, perhaps because of their pagan associations, but also because their shape did not suit christian requirements :
to the early church, only one sort of building seemed suitable for christianization: the basilica
, which had previously always been a secular type of building .
in rome itself, numerous buildings including pagan temples and other sites were converted into churches, and several major archeological sites owe their preservation to this. on the roman forum alone, the curia iulia or roman senate building (sant' adriano in foro), the temple of antoninus and faustina (san lorenzo in miranda), and the temple of romulus (santi cosma e damiano) were transformed into churches, and the churches of san giuseppe dei falegnami and san pietro in carcere were built above the mamertine prison nearby, where sts. peter and paul were reputed to have been held .
in rome was once a temple dedicated to the roman gods and it was converted to a roman catholic church dedicated to st. mary and the martyrs. eventually the prime sites of the pagan temples were very often occupied for churches, the church of
, christianized about 750, being simply the most obvious example. the basilica of junius bassus was made a church in the late fifth century. however this process did not really begin in rome itself until the 6th and 7th centuries, and was still under way during the
one of the most richly adorned churches, the basilica di san clemente, was, according to christian tradition, built on top of titus flavius clemens' s private home, as he had allowed early christians to worship in his home, due to having pro - jewish sympathies. the conversion of pre - christian places of worship, rather than their destruction, was particularly true of temples of mithras, a religion that had been the main rival to christianity during the 2nd and 3rd centuries, especially among the roman legions. an early 2nd century mithraeum stands across the roman street from the house and can be visited by visitors. other mithraea have been excavated under churches, such as santa prisca, and santo stefano rotondo .
several churches, especially in rome, are said to have been built on the sites of the earlier burial places of martyrs in the catacombs of rome or elsewhere. the sanctification of burial places, and placing tombs inside churches, was a novelty of christianity, and a break with pagan tradition, where burials were regarded as unclean, and usually only allowed beyond a set distance from a city' s walls .
st. peter' s basilica, the church of the vatican, is traditionally located at the burial place of simon peter, and most scholars parties agree that the basilica was built on top of a large necropolis on the vatican hill. in 1939, an excavation underneath the grottoes which lie directly under the current basilica, uncovered several surviving roman mausoleums from the necropolis, and in the area directly under the high altar, below the grottoes, the excavators found a structure resembling a temple that they named the aedicula (meaning little temple) .
in greece, the occupation of pagan sites by christian monasteries and churches was ubiquitous .
allison franz argues that it was only after temples ceased to be regarded as serious cult sites that they were later converted to churches .
so it was by virtue of necessity rather than in token of a victorious faith that the temples of the old dispensation became the province of the new .
, during the seventh century, reflecting possible conflict between christians and non - christians .
). it was the fourth most important pilgrimage in the eastern roman empire after constantinople, ephessos and thessalonica .
cassiodorus, the court secretary to the ostrogoth theodoric the great, described in a letter written in a. d. 527, a fair held at a former pagan shrine of leucothea, in the still culturally greek region of south italy, which had been christianized by converting it to a baptistery (variae 8. 33) .
, he began by smashing the sculpture of apollo and the altar that crowned the height .
. jonas described it further :
there stone images crowded the nearby woods, which were honoured in the miserable cult and profane former rites in the time of the pagans
.
' s court, an abbey church was built within the heathen site and its
spectral haunts
.
the notre - dame du taur (our lady of the bull), cathedral church of toulouse, which is famous for the encierro festival of running bulls, is thought by archaeologists to possibly be a converted temple of mithras, whose myth focused on the tauroctony, the killing of a sacred bull .
cults; here the problem became one of still further humanizing the divinities of springs, trees and mountains, in order to rob them of their prestige
.
in britain, the legendary king lucius, was reported by geoffrey of monmouth, the often unreliable christian chronicler, to have deliberately converted all the old temples to churches. the historical actuality is nowhere more forthrightly discussed than in the famous letter from pope gregory i to mellitus, about to join augustine of kent among the anglo - saxons :
so when almighty god has led you to the most reverend man our brother bishop augustine, tell him what i have long gone over in my mind concerning the matter of the english: that is, that the shrines of idols amongst that people should be destroyed as little as possible, but that the idols themselves that are inside them should be destroyed. let blessed water be made and sprinkled in these shrines, let altars be constructed and relics placed there: since if the shrines are well built it is necessary that they should be converted from the worship of demons to the service of the true god, so that as long as that people do not see their very shrines being destroyed they may put out error from their hearts and in knowledge and adoration of the true god they may gather at their accustomed places more readily .
the british isles and other areas of northern europe that were formerly druidic are still densely punctuated by holy wells and holy springs that are now attributed to some local saint. an example of the pre - christian water spirit is the melusina .
in britain and many other parts of europe trees were also sometimes seen as sacred or the home of tree spirits. when britain was christianized this resulted in a change of the landscape. in some instances sacred groves were destroyed to discourage belief in tree spirits. one of the most famous of these was the irminsul, whose ancient location is no longer known (though it may have been located at externsteine), was obliterated by charlemagne. another major ancient holy tree was thor' s oak, which was deliberately desecrated and destroyed by a christian missionary named winfrid (later canonised as saint boniface) .
in britain and the celtic northwest of europe, the divinities of springs were transformed into local saints who were often venerated only at the location of their
holy well
.
sometime toward the end of the fifth century, an abandoned
mithraeum
near present - day motaro, was rebuilt as a church .
santiago de compostela is a major site of christian pilgrimage, and said in christian tradition to originate as the burial place of saint james the great; pilgrims traditionally follow the way of st. james until they reach the cathedral, but then, having visited the church, continue to cape finisterre. the continuation to cape finisterre is regarded by historians as unjustifiable for christian reasons, but finisterre has a prominent pre - christian significance, it was considered to literally be the edge of the world (hence the name finisterre, meaning end of the world), due to it seeming to be the westernmost point of europe (in reality, even though it juts out to the west, the more subtle cabo da roca holds the honour). in pre - christian times, the souls of the dead were believed to trace their way across all europe to finisterre and follow the sun across the sea, and their route, the santa compaña, became a significant pilgrimage throughout south western europe. santiago de compostela itself was held to be the place where the dead gathered together, and where their paths finally all joined together for the final stretch of the journey; one possible etymology of compostela is burial ground, suggesting that even the name derives from the pre - christian belief .
, the cross served the symbolic function of physical possession that a flag would occupy today. at the
in 1147, when a mixed group of christians took the city ,
what great joy and what a great abundance there was of pious tears when, to the praise and honor of god and of the most holy virgin mary the saving cross was placed atop the highest tower to be seen by all as a symbol of the city' s subjection .
nuestra señora de los remedios doesn' t efface the great pyramid of cholula, mexico .
the spanish in the new world converted many native american temples into churches, following their procedure in spain against muslim mosques .
of the mosques were destroyed while the mosque itself was converted into a church or left to decay. the
was a 15th - century abandoned ottoman mosque, converted into a church in the 19th century. in
in vietnam, after the french invasion, many buddhist and taoist temples were neglected by the colonial government, notably the bao thien temple in hanoi were razed to make way for the st. joseph cathedral. the tra kieu church in quang nam was built in the 18th century on the site of a hilltop hindu temple in sinhapura, ancient capital of the champa kingdom, and became an important christian pilgrimage site ever since .
this is not solely a feature of christianity, needless to say; the phenomenon was discussed in broader terms by f. w. hasluck, christianity and islam under the sultans (oxford) 1929 .
emmel, stephen, gotter, ulrich, and hahn, johannes .
analyzing a late antique phenomenon of transformation
, from temple to church, brill, 2008 isbn 9789004131415
gregory, t .
the survival of paganism in christian greece
, american journal of philology 107 (1986: 229 - 42) .
see r. s. cormack ,
the temple as the cathedral
in c. roueché and k. t. erim. eds. aphrodisias papers: recent work on architecture and sculpture, journal of roman archaeology supplement (ann arbor 1990: 75 - 88) .
rothaus, richard m. , corinth, the first city of greece, p. 33, n. 6, brill, 2000 isbn 9789004109223
anthony kaldellis associate professor (department of greek and latin, the ohio state university), a heretical (orthodox) history of the parthenon, p. 3
seznec, the survival of the pagan gods, (b. f. sessions, tr .) 1995: 13 note 8 .
crummy, nina; crummy, philip; and crossan, carl (1993) colchester archaeological report 9: excavations of roman and later cemeteries, churches and monastic sites in colchester, 1971 - 88. published by colchester archaeological trust (isbn 1 - 897719 - 01 - 9 )
monks and nuns, saints and outcasts, religion in medieval society: essays in honor of lester k. little, lester k. little, sharon a. farmer, barbara h. rosenwein, page 190, 2000
curran, john 2000. pagan city and christian capital. (oxford) isbn 0 - 19 - 815278 - 7. reviewed by fred s. kleiner in bryn mawr classical review 20
trombley, frank r. , 1995. hellenic religion and christianization c. 370 - 529 (in series religions in the graeco - roman world) (brill) isbn 90 - 04 - 09691 - 4
williams, mark f. , the making of christian communities in late antiquity and the middle ages, anthem press, 2005, isbn 1 - 898855 - 77 - 3, isbn 978 - 1 - 898855 - 77 - 4, google books
jorge quiroga and monica r. lovelle ,
ciudades atlánticas en transición: la “ciudad” tardo - antigua y alto - medieval en el noroeste de la península ibérica (s. v - xi )
the fountain of cassiodorus at the coscia di stalettì the site known as
fountain of cassiodorus
in the area of the vivarium monastery witnesses the christianization of a pagan shrine dedicated to silvan gods, whose cult is attested by cassiodorus in institutiones' 1. 32. 2.'
this article is issued from wikipedia - version of the 11 / 30 / 2016. the text is available under the creative commons attribution / share alike but additional terms may apply for the media files .
in byzantium incorporation of spolia in new architectural compositions was often a means to convey a specific political message, such as the appropriation of the roman past and the legitimacy of the new empire, or to create new aesthetic values, radically different from those of the orderly discipline of the classical art. convenience in recycling earlier building material in new constructions was also an important consideration. in numerous cases a christian reinterpretation of antique sculptures built in churches can be discerned: they often symbolized the defeated paganism and the victory of christianity. although supersitious, beliefs were directly related with the pagan monuments, spolia reworked with crosses were presented as being christianized and as symbolizing that the antique culture in all its manifestations had played a role in preparing the world for christ' s advent and had not been excluded from salvation .
these keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. this process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves .
( münchen 1975), 8 ff. , 22; brenk, “spolia from constantine to charlemagne, ” 105 .
, subsidia hagiographica 32 (bruxelles 1962), vol. i, 88 (c. 108) ;
( “for carving the capitals of the church columns in various styles”); j. - m. spieser ,
thessalonique et ses monuments du ive au vie siècle. contribution à l' étude d' une ville paléochrétienne
, vol. ii, ed. j. wiseman (belgrade 1975), 15–25 (irregularity is observed in architectural parts such as the arches, and decorative elements); christine strube, “die kapitelle von qasr ibn wardan. antiochia und konstantinopel im 6. jahrhundert, ”
eadem, polyeuktoskirche und hagia sophia. umbildung und auflösung antiker formen, enstehen des kämpferkapitells
249 (1983), 66 note that “almost no two capitals in the atrium of the civic complex church were alike”; c. epstein, v. tzaferis, “the baptistery at sussita - hippos, ”
( vinna 1932), 1–9, 27–40: variety of the height of columns and types of bases and capitals of the church of the virgin in ephesos. f. w. deichmann, “säule und ordnung in der frühchristlichen architektur, ”
is also found in the literary style in late antiquity: m. roberts ,
( ithaca, n. y. 1989), 44 ff. (i owe the information to dr. leslie maccoull. )
, ed. a. - m. talbot (oxford and new york 1991), vol. iii, 1939 .
from classical antiquity to the middle ages. urban public building in northern and central italy ad 300–850
, ed. m. pinder, th. büttner - wobst (bonn 1841–1897), xiii. 12. 30–34 .
108 (1984), 818–820. other early byzantine basilicas on the aegean islands on the sites of temples constructed with earlier building material are at phana on chios, on the heraion of samos, at the colona on aegina, haghion kirykos and haghia ioulitta on delos, and the karthaia church on kea .
“il materiale di spoglio, ” 131–146; h. - g. severin, “beispiele der verwendung spätantiker spolien. ägyptische notizen, ” in :
, ed. o. feld, u. peschlow, vol. 2 (bonn 1986), 101–8. for detailed bibliographical references of spolia in byzantine buildings in pergamon cf. k. rheidt ,
j. w. crowfoot, “the christian churches, ” in: c. h. kraeling ,
, ed. g. w. elderkin (princeton 1934), 19 and 20 .
r. bar - nathan and g. mazor, “city center (south) and tel iztabba area, ”
the bet she' an excavation project (1989–1991), english ed. of hadashot arkheologiyot
, nr. 98 (1992), 42. cf. also the thoughts of brenk, “spolia from constantine to charlemagne, ” with reference to the use of spolia in the monuments of constantine .
, ed. g. barker, j. lloyd and j. reynolds, bar (= british archaeological reports) international series 236, 79 (oxford 1985), p. 232 .
( new york and london 1988), 187: “reuse of the statues indicates that, late in the sixth century, urban design at caesarea was nostalgic and antiquarian—a look back at the classical past, to a world that was slipping away. also instructive is the slipshod way in which the builders installed the two statues: they used makeshift bases and odd bits of stone to prop the statues up where parts of the original fabric were missing. ”
similar capitals can be seen in the neoclassical house in heracleion, lassithiou str. 13 / 15: a. di vita, “gortina 1986–1987, ”
, “il materiale di spoglio, ” 144; saradi - mendelovici, “christian attitudes, ” 51. for the west cf. ward - perkins ,
48 (1994), 167–178; brenk, “spolia from constantine to charlemagne, ” 103–9 .
, ed. m. waelkens (leuven 1993), 93–109, and fig. 77, 86 .
the golden age of justinian. from the death of theodosius to the rise of islam
, transl. s. gilbert and j. emmons (new york 1967), 66–67. similar appears to have been the function of a lion mask projected in the middle of an ornamental piece in the monastery of saggara in egypt. at the two extreme ends are two vessels from which grow vine branches, while above the branch to the left there is the inscription
( “cross, help”). apparently the lion mask was once part of a limestone basis for a vessel: kl. wessel ,
milion. studi e ricerche d' arte bizantina. costantinopoli e l' arte delle province orientali
, ed. f. de' maffei, c. barsanti, a. g. guidobaldi (rome 1990), 73–134 .
t. e. gregory, “fortification and urban design in early byzantine greece, ” in: r. l. hohlfelder, ed .
g. gualandi, “bosra: la seconda campagna di scavi nella chiesa dei ss. sergio, bacco e leonzio, ”
, ed. h. grégoire and m. - a. kugener (paris 1930), c. 76. cf. also r. van dam, “from paganism to christianity at late antique gaza, ”
sardis from prehistoric to roman times. results of the archaeological exploration of sardis 1958–1975
( berlin 1956). for the various ways in which the classical tradition was incorporated into the christian culture of byzantium see also h. saradi ,
aspects of late antiquity and early byzantium. papers read at a colloquium held at the swedish research institute in istanbul 31 may–5 june 1992
, ed. l. rydén and j. o. rosenquist (stockholm 1993), 99–112; c. a. marinescu, “transformations: classical objects and their re - use during late antiquity, ” in :
, ed. i. raeder (leipzig 1904), viii. 68 :
saradi - mendelovici, “christian attitudes, ” 54–55. on the other hand, numerous early christian basilicas were built next to pagan temples offering “a challenge to the pagan sanctuary or a choice to those who came to workshop”: t. gregory, “the survival of paganism in christian greece: a critical essay, ”
, 84, 478. on the wall of the temple of artemis at sardis opposite a small early byzantine church were inscribed twenty - five crosses and one with the inscription φως zωh (“light, life”): c. foss, “byzantine cities of western asia minor” (ph. d. diss. , harvard university 1972), 95. numerous crosses and the tree of life were inscribed on blocks in delphi. particularly remarkable are the dozens of crosses and nine circles engraved on the altar of chios: p. amandry, “chronique delphique (1970–1981), ”
37 (1987), 84, (“byzantine walls of the dark ages are usually faced with spoils arranged in regular courses in imitation of ashlar. in the 7th c. the facing is often elaborate and decorative, becoming simpler in the 9th”) ;
31 (1977), 74: the facade of the castle was built with large blocks up to a hight of 8–10 m .
, ed. l. bachmann (rostock 1847), p. 1. 5 .
( on the founder and the byzantine inscriptions of the church one of which, written in hexameter homeric greek, conveyed a specific political message, cf. n. oikonomidès, “pour une nouvelle lecture des inscriptions de skripou en béotie, ”
two to the right and left of the apse of the church of st. michael synadon; three on the west wall—the two to the right and left ends of the wall, the third high up in the middle; another similar block of a sarcophagus is incorporated in the low part of a wall of the church panaghia eleutherotria (eighteenth century). they were decorated with an altar in the middle flanked by two garlands around a taurus' head each. the reliefs are unfinished. cf. ph. bruneau, “peparethia, ”
[ haunted ] or not, they were placed with no regard for their subject - matter except in such a manner as to form a symmetrical pattern. ”
, ed. a. laiou, h. maguire (washington 1992), 143–4; h. p. maguire, “the cage of crosses: ancient and medieval sculptures on the ‘little metropolis’ in athens, ” in :
( athens 1994), 169–172. thus he concludes (p. 172): “such attitudes to ancient statuary make it likely that the pagan reliefs were not incorporated into the little metropolis because the builders admired their beauty, but because they feared them. like the dangerous animals, the pagan sculptures were emphatically neutralized by their setting, by crosses and by circles. in a city that was as full of ancient statuary as athens, this was surely a wise precaution. ”
, 59. for the ancient origin of the belief of the apotropaic power of wild animals cf. guberti bassett, “the antiquities in the hippodrome of constantinople, ” 89 n. 19 .
iii, patrologia graeca 100, coll. 464–5. a. grabar, “l' esthétisme d' un théologien humaniste byzantin au ixe siècle, ” in :
, vol. hors série (strasbourg 1956), repr. in: a. grabar ,
“ (here the sculptor carved the wooden images of animals”). on the meaning of
( “image”) in neoplatonic and byzantine writers with reference to artistic production cf. g. mathew ,
) (belgrade 1977), 314. for other examples cf. e. kitzinger, “list of early byzantine animal and bird capitals, ”
age of spirituality. late antique and early christian art, third to seventh century. catalogue of the exhibition at the metropolitan museum of art. november 19, 1977, through february 12, 1975
( new york 1979), 638; j. russell, “christianity at anemurium (cilicia). recent discoveries, ”
2 (1897), 490–1; see also michael the syrian, ed. j. - b. chabot ,
artistes, artisans et production artistique au moyen age. colloque international. centre national de la recherche scientifique, université de rennes ii—haute - bretagne 2–6 mai 1983
cf. the sources cited in e. dauterman maguire, h. p. maguire, m. j. duncan - flowers ,
( urbana and chicago 1989), 18–19; j. engemann, “zur verbreitung magischer überlabwehr in der nichtchristlichen und christlichen spätantike, ”
villes et peuplement dans l' illyricum protobyzantin. actes du colloque organisé par l' école française de rome (rome, 12–14 mai 1982
) (rome 1984), 311. crosses are also found on the threshold of the entrance of the central square martyrion of st. babylas at antioch: e. kitzinger, “the threshold of the holy shrine, ” in :
, vol. 4, 280 suggests a continuity with the ancient greek custom of inscribing prophylactic and apotropaic inscriptions above the lintels of houses. similar conclusion by r. merkelbach, “weg mit dir, herakles, in die feuershölle, ”
crosses are engraved above doors of modest houses of emporio on the island of santorini, a town that maintained architectural elements and planning of an earlier period; or in the metallic ornamental lintel of the main door of a wealthy resdence, dated from an inscription on may 11, 1843, at tripolis of peloponnesus (44 kypros str .) .
philippes et la macédoine orientale à l' époque chrétienne et byzantine. recherches d' histoire et d' archéologie
, ed. l. jalabert, r. mouterde (paris 1939), ii, no. 424 .
patrologia graeca 155, col. 337b. cf. also j. goar ,
cf. , for example, w. treadgold, “taking sources on their own terms and on ours: peter brown' s late antiquity, ”
cf. the convincing observations of j. m. speiser, “remarques complémentaires sur la mosaïque de osios david, ”
d. kinney, “spolia from the baths of caracalla in sta. maria trastevere, ”
( 3rd ed. , athens 1979), 29. this could be compared with the sculptures above the entrance of the church of st. anne at trebizond (884–5): g. millet, “les monastères et les églises de trébizonde, ”
49 / 50 (1991 / 92), 33–39, and n. 22: in the back of one ring - amulet with the figure of the holy rider are inscribed the opening letters of psalm 90 .
: “with the shape of a dragon or the face of a breast”) .
( “allow men to subdue the quadruped and irrational animals; for you submitted them, lord”) .
( “christ who established the cross, as the only support and salvation of the world”). for a parallel from the early byzantine period cf. an inscription from the church at androna (el - anderîn) of apamene ,
.... (“i am founded in god, supported by christ, surronded as by a wall by the holy spirit... . ”) :
, ed. l. jalabert†, r. mouterde (paris 1955), no. 1677 .
the association of the four biblical creatures (man, lion, ox, eagle) with the four gospels was made by irenaeus (patrologia graeca 7, coll. 885–6). on the pictorial association of these four symbols with the evangelists cf. r. s. neolson ,
millet, “les monastères et les églises de trébizonde, ” 434; mango, “antique statuary, ” 63 .
cf. saradi - mendelovici, “christian attitudes, ” 56. superstitious beliefs about statues and icons were very old: c. a. faraone ,
, ed. c. wachsmuth (leipzig 1897), p. 16 il. 14–16: “
( “when statues and images appear sweating or shed tears or when a scorched oven or furnace flashes forth, it is a sign of civil wars”); p. 102 il. 7–12 .
, ed. r. wuensch, iv. 82 (p. 134 ll. 4–7) refers to idols, ghosts and demons which inhabit tombs .
michel and struck, “die mittelbyzantinischen athens, ” 308. for the west cf. , for example, th. w. lyman, “format and style: the adaptation of cartoons to reused marble at saint - sernin, ” in :
( paris 1850), vol. ii, i. an example from the early byzantine period is the cemeterial church attached to the temple of artemis at sardis, with the exterior originally stuccoed and painted: g. m. a. hanfmann, h. buchwald, in: g. m. a. hanfmann ,
g. gordon, “textes coptes relatifs à saint claude d' antioche, ” patrologia orientalis 35, 4 (turnhout 1970), 583–7. for the later centuries cf. sp. vryonis, jr. , “the panegyris of the byzantine saint: a study in the nature of a medieval institution, its origins and fate, ” in :
ed. a. papadopoulos - kerameus (athens 1909), 213–4. cf. g. m. hanfmann, “the continuity of classical art: culture, myth, and faith, ” in: weitzmann, ed. ,
, 81–82. for the jewish tradition cf. g. foerster, “representations of the zodiac in ancient synagogues and their iconographic sources, ”
( columbus, ohio 1987), 37–38 who concludes that the helios - in - zodiac in synagogues represents the celestial sphere .
“monuments d' antiquité figurée, copiés à argos par les membres de la commission et expliqués par m. le bas, ” in: a. blouet ,
( göttingen 1849), vol. 2, 271–2, and pl. xiii, 24; struck, “vier byzantinische kirchen der argolis, ” 209 .
on the theological developments expressed in art cf. d. olster, “byzantine hermeneutics after iconoclasm: word and image in the leo bible, ”
. in other theological texts abraham symbolizes the advent of christ. see, for example, “les trois derniers traités du livre des mystères du ciel et de la terre, ” ed. s. grébaut, patrologia orientalis vi, 3 (paris 1911), 436–8. on the
the great entrance. a history of the transfer of gifts and other preanaphoral rites of the liturgy of st. john chrysostom
, patrologia graeca 98, coll. 396 c - d, 400 b. 155, col. 348 a :
, symbolizes bethlehem and the cave of the nativity. therefore, as it stands in the corner, and not far from the altar, although in the past it was placed even further in the large churches for safeguarding the holy vessels... ” )
michel and struck, “die mittelbyzantinischen kirchen athens, ” 308 ff. apparently the tradition was old; an altar of sarapis was incorporated into the northwestern corner of a church in limyra in asia minor (fifth to sixth centuries): r. jacobek, “byzantinische forschungen, ”
11, 2 (ankara 1989), 192 and pl. 13a (208) .
the reuse of pagan sarcophagi by christians is attested already in the early centuries: r. farioli, “i sarcofagi ravennati con segni cristologici: contributo per un completamento del ‘corpus’ ii, ”
, 483. for the western middle ages cf. χ. barral i altet, “le destin médiéval des sarcophages d' aquitaine, ”
cf. , for example, the adornment of the entrance door of the kümbet camii (1274–5) between ankara road and the town of sivrihisar with fragments of the templon architrave of a byzantine church: c. mango, “the pilgrimage centre of st. michael at germia, ”
on this monastery cf. struck, “vier byzantinische kirchen der argolis, ” 189–236; g. chora ,
ph. d. diss. , univ. of athens (athens 1975) .
bruneau, “peparethia, ” 487 and fig. 17. we find a similar use of column bases in antiquity: the upper part of a column base from the temple of athene in priene was used as a table in the northwestern section of the city' s gymnasium: wiegand ,
in the church of bishop markianos near gerasa' s hippodrome, built in 570 with spolia, a small column with a marble slab on it was placed by the east wall to serve as an altar: m. gawlikowski, a. musa, in: f. zayadine ,
( amman 1986). in the small chapel of a middle byzantine basilica in maroneia in greece, built on the ruins of an early basilica, the basis of a column placed upside down, and a broken small column of the templon were used for the altar: ch. bakirtzis ,
1987 (athens 1988), 23. various other antique blocks used as tables include even grave markers: a roman tombstone was used as a table support in a small church (sixth to seventh centuries) in the village of kalavassos in cyprus (a. papageorghiou ,
( new haven and london 1965), 141–2, and fig. 124. the use of objects of pagan art for the
appears to have been a rather recent practice. at the end of the early byzantine period (sixth to seventh centuries) the byzantines were disturbed by such a practice :
, ed. c. de boor, revised by p. wirth (stuttgart 1972) i. 11. 3 ff. ;
, ed. a. - j. festugière (brussels 1970), c. 42. but in some other instances such a use was clearly suggesting the victory of the church. at salona, for example, a pagan altar was placed upside down and hollowed to hold the holy water in the basilica of anastasius: e. dyggve ,
( oslo, cambridge, mass. , and london 1951), 9–10; at horvath hesheq in upper gallilee a small altar with a dedication to jupiter heliopolitanus was broken and a cavity was cut to place burning incense or a lamp in the sixth - century church: l. di segni, “horvath hesheq: the inscriptions, ” in :
christian archaeology in the holy land. new discoveries. essays in honour of virgilis c. corbo
for the various messages which was conveying the conscious incorporation of ancient spolia in western mediaeval settings cf. m. perry, “st. mark' s trophies: legend, superstition, and archaeology in renaissance venice, ”
1 (1937), 204–220, repr. in: william s. heckscher ,
, ed. e. verheyen (baden - baden 1985), 31–51; a. esch, “spolien. zur wiederverwendung antiker baustücke und skulpturen im mittelalterlichen italien, ”
51 (1969), 1–64; m. vickers, “wandering stones: venice, constantinople, and athens, ” in: k. - l. selig, e. sears, eds. ,
, who offers a detailed analysis of the use of spolia in the west and discerns practical considerations, aesthetic and antiquarin motivations, and a christian reinterpretation, each one manifested in different historical periods .
saradi, h. int class trad (1997) 3: 395. urltoken
popular: trivia, history, america, television, tv, usa, geography, world, ... more
here you will find one or more explanations in english for the word christianized. also in the bottom left of the page several parts of wikipedia pages related to the word christianized and, of course, christianized synonyms and on the right images related to the word christianized .
christianize chris
tian * ize, v. t. [ imp. & p. p. christianized; p. pr. vb. n. christianizing. ] [ cf. f. christianiser, l. christianizare, fr. gr. ?. ] 1. to make christian; to convert to christianity; as, to christianize pagans. 2. to imbue with or adapt to christian principles. christianized philosophers. - - i. taylor .
this is the place for christianized definition. you find here christianized meaning, synonyms of christianized and images for christianized copyright 2017 © urltoken
transition to christianity: art of late antiquity, 3rd – 7th century ad by industry design inc. - issuu
introductory essay by peter brown, and essays by fabrizio bisconti, kimberly bowes, averil cameron, slobodan ćurčić, jaś elsner, henry magui ...
sorry, preview is currently unavailable. you can download the paper by clicking the button above .
enter the email address you signed up with and we' ll email you a reset link .
the folks on western argolid regional project are heading to the tripoli museum and then to tegea tomorrow while i stay back to take care of some editing and databasing .
in anticipation of their trip, i looked up the section in my dissertation where i talk about the early christian basilica there that was excavated by anastasios orlandos and published in the 1970s. the calendar mosaic from the building is remarkable as is its metrical inscription .
another scrappier inscription seems to evoke the sanctus and might be one of the few inscription from early christian greece that preserves a clear liturgical utterance that has significance in the christological controversies of late antiquity. here’s a link to something i wrote a while back.
interpretatio christiana ( latin for christian interpretation , also christian reinterpretation ) is adaptation of non-christian elements of culture or historical facts to the worldview of christianity . the term is commonly applied to recasting of religious and cultural activities , beliefs and imageries of " pagan " peoples into a christianized form as a strategy for their christianization . from a christian perspective , " pagan " refers to the various religious beliefs and practices of those who adhered to non-abrahamic faiths , including within the greco-roman world the traditional public and domestic religion of ancient rome , imperial cult , hellenistic religion , the ancient egyptian religion , celtic and germanic polytheism , initiation religions such as the eleusinian mysteries and mithraism , the religions of the ancient near east , and the religion of carthage . reformatting traditional religious and cultural activities and beliefs into a christianized form was officially sanctioned ; preserved in the venerable bede 's historia ecclesiastica gentis anglorum is a letter from pope gregory i to mellitus , arguing that conversions were easier if people were allowed to retain the outward forms of their traditions , while claiming that the traditions were in honour of the christian god , " to the end that , whilst some gratifications are outwardly permitted them , they may the more easily consent to the inward consolations of the grace of god " . 
interpretatio christiana (latin for christian interpretation, also christian reinterpretation) is adaptation of non-christian elements of culture or historical facts to the worldview of christianity. the term is commonly applied to recasting of religious and cultural activities, beliefs and imageries of " pagan " peoples into a christianized form as a strategy for their christianization. from a christian perspective, " pagan " refers to the various religious beliefs and practices of those who adhered to non-abrahamic faiths, including within the greco-roman world the traditional public and domestic religion of ancient rome, imperial cult, hellenistic religion, the ancient egyptian religion, celtic and germanic polytheism, initiation religions such as the eleusinian mysteries and mithraism, the religions of the ancient near east, and the religion of carthage. reformatting traditional religious and cultural activities and beliefs into a christianized form was officially sanctioned; preserved in the venerable bede's historia ecclesiastica gentis anglorum is a letter from pope gregory i to mellitus, arguing that conversions were easier if people were allowed to retain the outward forms of their traditions, while claiming that the traditions were in honour of the christian god, " to the end that, whilst some gratifications are outwardly permitted them, they may the more easily consent to the inward consolations of the grace of god ".
interpretatio christiana (latin for christian interpretation, also christian reinterpretation) is adaptation of non-christian elements of culture or historical facts to the worldview of christianity. the term is commonly applied to recasting of religious and cultural activities, beliefs and imageries of " pagan " peoples into a christianized form as a strategy for their christianization. from a christian perspective, " pagan " refers to the various religious beliefs and practices of those who adhered to non-abrahamic faiths, including within the greco-roman world the traditional public and domestic religion of ancient rome, imperial cult, hellenistic religion, the ancient egyptian religion, celtic and germanic polytheism, initiation religions such as the eleusinian mysteries and mithraism, the religions of the ancient near east, and the religion of carthage. reformatting traditional religious and cultural activities and beliefs into a christianized form was officially sanctioned; preserved in the venerable bede's historia ecclesiastica gentis anglorum is a letter from pope gregory i to mellitus, arguing that conversions were easier if people were allowed to retain the outward forms of their traditions, while claiming that the traditions were in honour of the christian god, " to the end that, whilst some gratifications are outwardly permitted them, they may the more easily consent to the inward consolations of the grace of god ".