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[Greek: Eikôn Basilikê]

  THE

=POURTRACTURE=

  OF

=HIS SACRED=

=MAJESTIE=,

  IN

=HIS SOLITUDES=

  AND

=SUFFERINGS=.

With a perfect Copy of Prayers used by his Majesty in the time of his
sufferings.

Delivered to Dr. JUXON Bishop of _London_, immediately before his
Death.

ROM. 8.

_More then Conquerour, &c._

_Bona agere, & mala pati, Regium est._

Printed at _London_, 1649.

The Explanation of the Embleme.

  =PONDERIBUS= _genuus omne mali, probriq; gravatus,
  Vixq; ferenda ferens_, =Palma= _ut_ =depressa=, _resurgo.
  Ac, velut undarum_ =Fuctûs Ventìque=, _furorem
  Irati Populi_ =Rupes immotta= _repello_.
  =Clarioré tenebris=, _c[oe]lestis stella, corusco.
  Victor æternum f[oe]lici pace_ =triumpho=.
  _Auro_ =fulgentem= _rutilo gemmisque micantem,
  At curis_ =Gravidam= _spernendo_ =calco Coronam=.
  =Spinosam=, _at_ =ferri facilem=, _quo_ =spes mea=, _Christi
  Auxilio, Nobis non est_ =tractare= _molestum_.
  =Æternam=, _fixis fidei, semperque_ =beatam=
  _In C[oe]los occulis_ =specto=, _Mobìsque-paratam.
  Quod_ =vanum= _est, sperno; quod Christi_ =Gratia= _præbet
  Amplecti studium est: Virtutis_ =Gloria= _merces._

  THOUGH clogg'd with _weights_ of miseries,
  _Palm_-like _depress'd_, I higher rise.
  And as th' _unmoved Rock_ out-braves
  The boyst'rous _winds_, and raging _waves_;
  So _triumph I_. And _shine more bright_
  In sad Affliction's darksom night.
  That _splendid_, but yet _toilsome Crown_,
  Regardlesly _I trample_ down.
  With joy I take this _Crown_ of _Thorn_,
  Though _sharp_, yet _easie to be born_.
  That _heav'nly Crown_, already mine,
  I _view_ with _eyes_ of faith divine.
  I slight _vain_ things; and do embrace
  _Glory_, the just reward of _Grace_.

[Greek: To Chi ouden êdikêse tên polin, oude to Kappa.]

[Greek: Eikôn Basilikê.]

THE

POURTRACTURE

OF HIS SACRED

MAJESTIE,

IN

HIS SOLITUDES

AND

SUFFERINGS.

With a perfect Copy of Prayers used by his Majesty in the time of his
sufferings.

Delivered to Dr. JUXON Bishop of _London_, immediately before his
death.

ROM. 8.

_More then Conquerour, &c.

Bona agere, & mala pati, Regium est._

Printed at _London_, 1649.

THE CONTENTS.

    1 _Vpon His Majesties calling this last Parliament._

    2 _Upon the Earl of_ Strafford's _death._

    3 _Upon His Majesties going to the House of Commons._

    4 _Upon the Insolency of the Tumults._

    5 _Upon His Majesties passing the Bill for the Trienniall
    Parliaments: and after setling this, during the pleasure of
    the two Houses._

    6 _Upon His Majesties retirement from_ Westminster.

    7 _Upon the Queens departure, and absence out of_ England.

    8 _Upon His Majesties repulse at_ Hull, _and the fates of the_
    Hothams.

    9 _Upon the listing and raising Armies against the King._

    10 _Upon their seizing the Kings Magazines, Forts, Navie, and
    Militia._

    11 _Upon the 19 Propositions first sent to the King; and more
    afterwards._

    12 _Upon the Rebellion, and troubles in_ Ireland.

    13 _Upon the Calling in of the_ Scots, _and their Coming._

    14 _Upon the Covenant._

    15 _Upon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals cast upon
    the King, to stirre up the people against Him._

    16 _Upon the Ordinance against the Common prayer-Book._

    17 _Of the differences between the King, and the two Houses,
    in point of Church-government._

    18 _Upon_ Uxbridge-_Treaty, and others Offers made by the
    King._

    19 _Upon the various events of the War; Victories, and
    Defeats._

    20 _Upon the Reformations of the Times._

    21 _Upon His Majesties Letters taken and divulged._

    22 _Upon His Majesties leaving_ Oxford, and going to the_
    Scots._

    23 _Upon the_ Scots _delivering the King to the_ English; _and
    His Captivity at_ Holmbie.

    24 _Upon their denying His Majestie the Attendance of His
    Chaplains._

    25 Penitentiall Meditations and Vowes in the King's solitude
    at _Holmbie_.

    26 _Upon the Armies surprisall of the King at_ Holmbie, _and
    the ensuing distractions in the two Houses, the Army, and the
    Citie._

    27 _To the Prince of_ Wales.

    28 _Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Addresses,
    and His Majesties closer Imprisonment in_ Carisbrook-Castle.

    29 _Divers prayers used by his Majesty in time of His
    sufferings._

    30 _His Speeches to the Lady_ Elisabeth _and Duke of_
    Glocester: _And His_ Reasons _against the jurisdiction of the
    high Court of Justice._

[Greek: EIKÔN BASILIKÊ]

1. _Upon His Majesties calling this last Parliament._

This last Parliament I called, not more by others advice, and
necessity of My affairs, then by my own choice and inclination; who
have always thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for
My Crown, and best pleasing to my People: And although I was not
forgetfull of those sparks, which some mens distempers formerly
studied to kindle in Parliaments, (which by forbearing to convene for
some years, I hoped to have extinguished) yet resolving with My self
to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires, and to
redress all publick grievances in Church and State; I hoped (by My
freedom and their moderation) to prevent all mis-understandings and
miscarriages in this: In which as I feared, affairs would meet with
some passion and prejudice in other men, so I resolved they should
finde least of them in my self; not doubting, but by the weight of
Reason I should counterpoiz the over-ballancing of any Factions.

I was, indeed, sorry to hear with what partiality and popular heat,
Elections were carried in many places; yet hoping that the gravity and
discretion of other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons to a
due temperament (guiding some mens well-meaning zeal by such rules of
moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all
States and Kingdoms:) No man was better pleased with the convening of
this Parliament then My self; who knowing best the largenesse of my
own Heart toward my Peoples good and just contentment, pleased my
self most in that good and firm understanding, which would hence grow
between me and my people.

All jealousies being laid aside, my own and my Childrens Interests
gave me many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of
my Subjects; The only temporal blessing that is left to the ambition
of just Monarchs, as their greatest honour and safety, next Gods
protection. I cared not to lessen my self in some things of my wonted
Prerogative; since I knew I could be no loser, if I might gain but a
recompence in my Subjects affections.

I intended not only to oblige my friends, but mine enemies also:
exceeding even the desires of those that were factiously discontented,
if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense.

The _odium_ and offences which some mens rigor or remissnesse in
Church and State had contracted upon my Government, I resolved to have
expiated by such Laws and regulations for the future, as might
not only rectifie what was amiss in practice, but supply what was
defective in the constitution: No man having a greater zeal to see
Religion setled, and preserved in Truth, Unitie, and Order then my
self; whom it most concerns both in pietie and policie; as knowing,
that, No flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous then those
which make Religious pretensions the grounds of Factions.

I resolved to reform, what I should by free and full advice in
Parliament be convinced to be amiss; and to grant whatever my Reason
and Conscience told me was fit to be desired; I wish I had kept my
self within those bounds, and not suffered my own Judgement to have
been over-born in some things, more by others Importunities, then
their Arguments; my confidence had less betrayed my self, and my
Kingdoms, to those advantages, which some men sought for, who wanted
nothing but power and occasion to do mischief.

But our sins being ripe, there was no preventing of Gods Justice, from
reaping that glory in our Calamities, which we robbed him of in our
prosperitie.

_For thou (O Lord) hast made us see, That Resolutions of future
Reforming, doe not alwayes satisfie thy justice, nor prevent thy
Vengeance for former miscarriages._

_Our sins have over-laid our hopes: Thou hast taught us to depend on
thy mercies to forgive, not on our purpose to amend._

_When thou hast vindicated thy glory by thy judgments, and hast shewed
us how unsafe it is to offend thee, upon presumptions afterwards to
please thee, Then I trust thy mercy will restore those blessings to
us, which we have so much abused, as to force thee to deprive us of
them._

_For want of timely repentance of our sins, Thou givest us cause to
Repent of those Remedies we too late apply._

_Yet I doe not repent of my calling the last Parliament, because O
Lord, I did it with an upright intention to thy glory, and My Peoples
good._

_The miseries which have ensued upon me and my Kingdoms, are the just
effects of thy displeasure upon us; and may be yet, through thy mercy,
preparatives of us to future blessings and better hearts to enjoy
them._

_O Lord, though thou hast deprived us of many former comforts;
yet grant me and my People the benefit of our afflictions, and thy
chastisements; that thy Rod as well as thy Staff may comfort us:
Then shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an enemy, but a
Father: when thou givest us those humble affections, that measure of
patience in repentance which becomes thy Children; I shall have no
cause to repent the miseries this Parliament hath occasioned, when by
them thou hast brought me and my people unfeignedly to repent of the
sins we have committed._

_Thy grace is infinitely better with our sufferings, then our Peace
could be with our sins._

_O thou soveraign goodness and wisdom, who over-rulest all our
Counsels; over-rule also all our hearts; That the worse things we
suffer by thy Justice, the better we may be by thy mercie._

_As our sins have turned our Antidotes into Poison, so let thy Grace
turn our Poison into Antidotes._

_As the sins of our Peace disposed us to this unhappy Warre, so let
this War prepare us for thy blessed Peace._

_That although I have but troublesom Kingdoms here, yet I may attain
to that Kingdom of Peace in my Heart, and in thy Heaven, which Christ
hath purchased, & thou wilt give to thy servant (though a sinner) for
my Saviours sake._ Amen.

2. _Upon the Earl of Straffords death_.

I looked upon my Lord of _Strafford_, as a Gentleman, whose great
abilities might make a Prince rather afraid, then ashamed to employ
him in the greatest affairs of State.

For those were prone to create in him great confidence of
undertakings, and this was like enough to betray him to great errors,
and many enemies; whereof he could not but contract good store, while
moving in so high a sphear, and with so vigorous a lustre, he must
needs (as the Sun) raise many envious exhalations, which condensed by
a popular _odium_, were capable to cast a cloud before the brightest
merit and integrity.

Though I cannot in my judgement approve all he did, driven (it may be)
by the necessities of times, and the Temper of that people, more then
led by his own disposition to any height and rigour of actions: yet I
could never be convinced of any such criminousness in him as willingly
to expose his life to the stroke of Justice, and malice of his
enemies. I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affairs,
then in the businesse of that unfortunate Earl: when between my own
unsatisfiedness in Conscience, and a necessity (as some told me) of
satisfying the importunities of some people, I was perswaded by those
that I think wished Me well, to chuse rather what was safe, then what
seemed just; preferring the outward peace of My Kingdoms with men,
before that inward exactness of Conscience before God.

And indeed I am so far from excusing or denying that compliance on My
part (for plenary consent it was not) to his destruction, whom in
My judgment I thought not, by any clear law, guilty of death: That
I never bare any touch of Conscience with greater regret: which as a
sign of my repentance, I have often with sorrow confessed both to God
and men, as an act of so sinfull frailty, that it discovered more
a fear of man, then of God, whose name and place on earth no man is
worthy to bear, who will avoid inconveniencies of State, by acts of so
high injustice, as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate.

I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans own Conscience, thereby to
salve State-sores; to calm the storms of popular discontents, by
stirring up a tempest in a mans own bosome.

Nor hath Gods Justice failed in the event and sad consequences, to
shew the world the fallacy of that Maxime, _Better one man perish,
(though unjustly) then the people be displeased or destroyed._

For, In all likelihood I could never have suffered, with My people,
greater calamities, (yet with greater comfort) had I vindicated
_Straffords_ innocency, at least by denying to Sign that destructive
_Bill_, according to that Justice, which My conscience suggested
to Me, then I have done since I gratified some mens unthankful
importunities with so cruel a favour. And I have observed, that those,
who counselled Me to sign that Bill, have been so far from receiving
the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People, that no men have
been harassed & crushed more then they: He onely hath been least vexed
by them, who counselled Me, not to consent against the vote of My own
Conscience: I hope God hath forgiven Me and them, the sinful rashness
of that business.

To which being in My soul so fully conscious, those Judgements God
hath pleased to send upon Me, are so much the more welcom, as a means
(I hope) which his mercy hath sanctified so to Me, as to make Me
repent of that unjust Act, (for so it was to Me) and for the future
to teach Me, That the best rule of policie is, to prefer the doing of
Justice, before all enjoyments, and the peace of my Conscience before
the preservation of My Kingdoms.

Nor hath any thing more fortified My resolutions against all those
violent importunities, which since have sought to gain a like consent
from Me, to Acts, wherein my Conscience is unsatisfied, then the sharp
touches I have had for what passed Me, in My Lord of _Straffords_
business.

Not that I resolved to have imployed him in My affairs, against the
advise of my Parliament, but I would not have had any hand in his
Death, of whose Guiltlesness I was better assured, then any man living
could be.

Nor were the crimes objected against him so clear, as after a long and
fair hearing to give convincing satisfaction to the Major part of both
Houses; especially that of the Lords, of whom scarce a third part
were present, when the bill passed that House: And for the House
of Commons, many Gentlemen, disposed enough to diminish My Lord of
_Straffords_ greatness and power, yet unsatisfied of his guilt in Law,
durst not condemn him to die: who for their integrity in their Votes,
were by Posting their Names, exposed to the popular calumny, hatred
and fury; which grew then so exorbitant in their clamours _for
Justice_, (that is, to have both my self and the two Houses' Vote,
and doe as they would have us) that many ('tis thought) were rather
terrified to concur with the condemning party, then satisfied that of
right they ought so to doe.

And that after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent, for future
imitation sufficiently tels the world, that some remorse touched even
his most implacable enimies, as knowing he had very hard measure, and
such as they would be very loath should be repeated to themselves.

This tendernesse and regret I find in my soul, for having any hand
(and that very unwillingly God knows) in shedding one mans bloud
unjustly, (though under the colour and formalities of Justice, and
pretences of avoiding publick mischiefs) which may (I hope) be some
evidence before God and man, to all posterity, that I am far from
bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all that blood which hath
been shed in this unhappy War; which some men will needs charge on me,
to ease their own souls, who am, and ever shall be, more affraid to
take away any mans life unjustly then to lose my own.

_But then, O God, of thy infinit mercies forgive me that act of
sinfull compliance, which hath greater aggravations upon me then any
man, Since I had not the least temptation of envy, or malice against
him, and by my place should, at least so farre, have been a preserver
of him, as to have denied my consent to his destruction._

_O Lord, I acknowledge my transgression, and my sin is ever before
me._

_Deliver me from blood-guiltiness O God, thou God of my salvation, and
my tongue shall sing of thy righteousness._

_Against thee have I sinned, and done this evil in thy sight, for thou
sawest the contradiction between my heart and my hand._

_Yet cast me not away from thy presence, purge me with the blood of my
Redeemer, and I shall be clear; wash me with that pretious effusion,
and I shall be whiter then snow._

_Teach me to learn Righteousnesse by thy Iudgements, and to see my
frailtie in thy Iustice: while I was perswaded by shedding one mans
bloud to prevent after-troubles, thou hast for that, among other
sins, brought upon mee, and upon my Kingdoms, great, long, and heavy
troubles._

_Make me to prefer Iustice, which is thy Will, before all contrary
clamours, which are but the discoveries of mans injurious will._

_It is too much that they have once overcome me, to please them by
displeasing thee: O never suffer me for any reason of State, to go
against my Reason of Conscience, Which is highly to sin against thee,
the God of Reason, and Iudge of our Consciences._

_Whatever, O Lord, thou seest fit to deprive me of, yet restore unto
me the joy of thy Salvation, and ever uphold me with thy free Spirit;
which subjects my will to non: but the light of Reason, Justice, and
Religion, which shines in my Soul; for thou desirest Truth in the
inward parts, and Integritie in the outward expressions._

_Lord, hear the voice of thy Sons, and my Saviours bloud, which speaks
better things; O make me, and my People, to hear the voice of Joy and
Gladness, that the bones which thou hast broken, may rejoice in thy
salvation_.

3. _Vpon His Majesties going to the House of Commons._

My going to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon the five
Members, was an act which my Enemies loaded with all the obloquies and
exasperations they could.

It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and fears; yea, and
many of my Friends resented it, as a motion rising rather from Passion
then Reason, and not guided with such discretion as the touchiness of
those times required.

But these men knew not the just motives, and pregnant grounds, with
which I thought myself so furnished, that there needed nothing to such
evidence, as I could have produced against those I charged, save onely
a free and legall Trial, which was all I desired.

Nor had I any temptation of displeasure or revenge against those mens
persons, further then I had discovered those (as I thought) unlawfull
correspondencies they had used, and engagements they had made to
embroyl my Kingdoms: of all which I missed but little to have produced
Writings under some mens own hands, who were the chief contrivers of
the following Innovations.

Providence would not have it so; yet I wanted not such probabilities
as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any Kings heart, who is not
wholly stupid and neglective of the publick Peace; which to preserve,
my calling in question half a dozen men, in a fair and legall way
(which God knows, was all my design) could have amounted to no worse
effect, had it succeeded, then either to do Me and my Kingdom right,
in case they had been found guilty; or else to have cleared their
innocency, and removed my suspicion: which, as they were not raised
out of any malice, so neither were they in reason to be smothered.

What flames of discontent this spark (though I sought by all speedy
and possible means to quench it) soon kindled, all the world is
witnesse: The aspersion which some men cast upon that action, as if
I had designed by force to assault the House of Commons, and invade
their Priviledge, is so false, that, as God best knows, I had no such
intent; so none that attended Me could justly gather from any thing I
then said or did, the least intimation of any such thoughts.

That I went attended with some Gentlemen, as it was no unwonted thing
for the Majesty and safety of a King so to be attended, especially
in discontented times; so were my Followers at that time short of
my ordinary Guard, and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary
conflict. Nor were they more scared at my coming, then I was unassured
of not having some affronts cast upon me, if I had none to be with
Me to preserve a reverence to Me: for many people had (at that time)
learned to think those hard thoughts, which they have since abundantly
vented against Me, both by words and deeds.

  The sum of that businesse was this,

Those men and their adherents were then look'd upon by the affrighted
vulgar, as greater Protectors of their Laws and Liberties then my
Self, and so worthier of their protection. I leave them to God and
their own Consciences, who, if guilty of evill machinations, no
present impunity, or popular vindications of them will be subterfuge
sufficient to rescue them from those exact Tribunals.

To which, in the obstructions of Justice among men, we must
religiously appeal, as being an argument to us Christians of that
after unavoidable Judgement, which shall re-judge what among men is
but corruptly decided, or not at all.

I endeavoured to have prevented, if God had seen fit, those future
commotions which I foresaw, would in all likelyhood follow some mens
activity (if not restrained) and so now hath done to the undoing of
many thousands; the more is the pity.

But to over-awe the freedom of the Houses, or to weaken their just
Authority by any violent impressions upon them, was not at all my
design: I thought I had so much Justice and Reason on my side, as
should not have needed so rough assistance: and I was resolved
rather to bear the repulse with patience, then to use such hazardous
extremities.

_But thou, O Lord art my witnesse in heaven, and in my Heart: If I
have purposed any violence or oppression against the Innocent: or if
there were any such wickednes in my thoughts._

_Then let the enemy persecute my soul, and tread my life to the
ground, and lay mine Honour in the dust._

_Thou that seest not as man seeth, but lookest beyond all popular
appearances, searching the heart, and trying the reins, and bringing
to light the hidden things of darknesse, shew thy self._

_Let not my afflictions be esteemed (as with wise and godly men they
cannot be) any argument as my sin, in that matter: more then their
Impunity among good men is any sure token of their Innocency._

_But forgive them wherin they have done amiss, though they are not
punished for it in this world._

_Save thy servant from the privy conspiracies, and open violence of
bloody and unreasonable men, according to the uprightness of my heart,
and the innocency of my hands in this matter._

_Plead my cause and maintain my right, O thou that sittest in the
Throne, judging rightly, that thy servant may ever rejoyce in thy
salvation._

4. _Upon the Insolency of the Tumults._

I Never thought any thing (except our sins) more ominously presaging
all these mischiefs, which have followed, then those Tumults
in _London_ and _Westminster_, soon after the convening of this
Parliament; which were not like a storm at Sea, (which yet wants not
its terrour) but like an Earth-quake, shaking the very foundations of
all; then which nothing in the world hath more of horror.

As it is one of the most convincing Arguments that there is a God,
while his power sets bounds to the raging of the Sea: so 'tis no
less, that he restrains the madness of the People. Nor doth any thing
portend more Gods displeasure against a Nation, then when he suffers
the confluence and clamours of the Vulgar to passe all boundaries of
Laws and reverence to Authority.

Which those Tumults did to so high degrees of Insolence, that they
spared not to invade the Honour and Freedom of the two Houses,
menacing, reproaching, shaking, yea, and assaulting some Members of
both Houses, as they fancied, or disliked them: Nor did they forbear
most rude and unseemly deportments, both in contemptuous words and
actions, to my Self and my Court.

Nor was this a short fit or two of shaking, as an ague, but a
quotidian fever, always encreasing to higher inflammations, impatient
of any mitigation, restraint, or remission.

First, They must be a guard against those fears which some men scared
themselves and others withall; when indeed nothing was more to be
feared, and lesse to be used by wise men, then those tumultuary
confluxes of mean and rude people, who are taught first to petition,
then to protect, then to dictate, at last to command and over-aw the
Parliament.

All obstructions in Parliament (that is, all freedom of differing in
Votes, and debating matters with reason and candor) must be taken away
with these Tumults; By these must the Houses be purged, and all
rotten Members (as they pleased to count them) cast out: By these the
obstinacie of men resolved to discharge their Consciences, must be
subdued; by these all factious, seditious, and schismaticall Proposals
against Government Ecclesiastical or Civil, must be backed and
abetted, till they prevailed.

Generally, who-ever had most mind to bring forth confusion and ruine
upon Church and State, used the midwifery of those Tumults: whose riot
and impatience was such, that they would not stay the ripening and
season of Counsels, or fair production of Acts, in the order, gravity,
and deliberatenesse befitting a Parliament; but ripped up with
barbarous cruelty, and forcibly cut out abortive Votes, such as their
Inviters and Encouragers most fancied.

Yea, so enormous and detestable were their outrages, that no sober man
could be without an infinite shame and sorrow to see them so tolerated
and connived at by some; countenanced, encouraged, and applauded by
others.

What good man had not rather want any thing he most desired, for the
publick good, then obtain it by such unlawfull and irreligious means?
But mens passions and Gods directions seldom agree; violent designes
and motions must have sutable engines: such as too much attend their
own ends, seldom confine themselves to Gods means. Force must crowd in
what Reason will not lead.

Who were the chief Demagogues and Patrons of Tumults, to send for
them, to flatter and embolden them, to direct and tune their clamorous
importunities, some men yet living are too conscious to pretend
ignorance: God in his due time will let these see, That those were no
fit means to be used for attaining his ends.

But as it is no strange thing for the Sea to rage, when strong winds
blow upon it; so neither for Multitudes to become insolent, when they
have Men of some reputation for parts and piety to set them on.

That which made their rudenesse most formidable, was, that many
Complaints being made, and Messages sent by my Self, and, some of both
Houses; yet no Order for redress could be obtained with any vigour
and efficacie, proportionable to the malignity of that now far-spread
disease, and predominant mischief.

Such was some mens stupidity, that they feared no inconvenience;
Others petulancie, that they joyed to see their betters shamefully
outraged and abused, while they knew their onely security consisted
in vulgar flattery: so insensible were they of Mine, or the two Houses
common Safety and Honours.

Nor could ever any Order be obtained, impartially to examine, censure,
and punish the known Boutefeus, and impudent Incendiaries, who boasted
of the influence they had and used, to convoke those Tumults as their
advantages served.

Yea, some (who should have been wiser States-men) owned them as
friends, commending their Courage, Zeal, and Industry; which to sober
men could seem no better then that of the Divel, who _goes about
seeking whom he may_ deceive and _devour._

I confesse, when I found such a deafness, that no Declaration from the
Bishops, who were first fouly insolenced and assaulted; nor yet from
other Lords and Gentlemen of Honor; nor yet from my self could take
place for the due repression of these Tumults; and securing not only
Our freedom in Parliament, but Our very persons in the Streets; I
thought My self not bound by my presence to provoke them to higher
boldness and contempts; I hoped by my with-drawing to give time, both
for the ebbing of their tumultuous furie, and others regaining some
degrees of modesty and sober sense.

Some may interpret it as an effect of Pusillanimitie in any man
for popular terrors to desert his publick station. But I think it a
hardiness, beyond true valor, for a wise man to set himself against
the breaking in of a Sea; which to resist, at present, threatens
imminent danger; but to withdraw, gives it space to spend its fury,
and gains a fitter time to repair the breach. Certainly a gallant man
had rather fight to great disadvantages for number and place in the
field, in an orderly way, then skuffle with an undisciplined rabble.

Some suspected and affirmed that I meditated a war (when I went from
_Whitehal_ only to redeem my Person & Conscience from violence) God
knows I did not think of a war. Nor will any prudent man conceive that
I would by so many former and some after-acts, have so much weakned
My self, if I had purposed to engage in a war, which to decline by
all means, I denyed my self in so many particulars: 'Tis evident I had
then no Army to fly unto, for protection or vindication.

Who can blame me, or any other for a withdrawing our selves from the
daily baitings of the Tumults, not knowing whether their fury and
discontent might not fly so high, as to worry and tear those in
pieces, whom as yet they but played with in their paws? God, who is my
sole Judg, is my Witness in Heaven, that I never had any thoughts
of going from My house at _Whitehall_, if I could have had but any
reasonable fair Quarter; I was resolved to bear much, and did so, but
I did not think my self bound to prostitute the Majesty of my place
and Person, the safety of my Wife and children, to those who are prone
to insult most, when they have objects and opportunity, most capable
of their rudeness and petulancy.

But this business of the Tumults (whereof some have given already an
account to God, others yet living, know themselves desperatly guilty)
time and the guilt of many hath so smothered up and buried, that I
think it best to leave it as it is: Only I beleeve the just Avenger of
all disorders, will in time make those men, and that City, see their
sin in the glass of their Punishment. 'Tis more then an even lay, they
may one day see themselves punished by that way they offended.

Had this Parliament, as it was in its first Election and Constitution,
sate full and free, the Members of both Houses being left to their
freedom of Voting, as in all reason, honor, and Religion, they should
have been; I doubt not but things would have been so carried, as
would have given no less content to all good men, then they wished or
expected.

For, I was resolved to hear reason in all things, and to consent to
it so far as I could comprehend it: but as Swine are to Gardens and
orderly Plantations, so are Tumults to Parliaments, and Plebeian
concourses to publick Councels, turning all into disorders and sordid
confusions.

I am prone sometimes to think, That had I called this Parliament to
any other place in _England_, (as I might opportunely enough have
done) the sad consequences, in all likelihood, with Gods blessing,
might have been prevented. A Parliament would have been welcom in
any place; no place afforded such confluence of various and vitious
humors, as that where it was unhappily convened. But we must leave all
to God, who orders our disorders, and magnifies his wisdom most, when
our follies and miseries are most discovered.

_But thou O Lord art My refuge and defence_: _to thee I may safely
flie, who rulest the raging of the Sea, and the madnesse of the
People._

_The flouds, O Lord, the flouds are come in upon Me, and are ready to
overwhelm Me._

_I look upon My sinnes and the sinnes of My people, (which are the
tumults of our Souls against thee O Lord) as the just cause of these
popular inundations which thou permittest to overbear all the banks of
Loyalty, Modesty, Laws, Justice, and Religion._

_But thou that gatheredst the Waters into one place, and madest the
dry land to appear, and after did'st asswage the floud which drowned
the world, by the word of thy power; Rebuke those beasts of the
people, and deliver Me from the rudenesse and strivings of the
multitude._

_Restore, We beseech thee, unto Us, the freedoms of Our Councels and
Parliaments, make Us unpassionately to see the light of Reason, and
Religion, and with all order and gravity to follow it, as becomes Men
and Christians; so shall We praise thy Name, who art the God of order
and counsel._

_What man cannot, or will not represse, thy Omnipotent Justice can and
will._

_O Lord, give them that are yet living, a timely sense and sorrow
for their great sinne, whom thou knowest guilty of raising or
not suppressing those disorders: Let shame here and not suffering
hereafter be their punishment._

_Set bounds to our passions by Reason, to our errors by Truth, to our
seditions by Laws duely executed, to our schismes by Charitie, that we
may be, as thy_ Jerusalem, _a Citie at unity in it self._

_This grant, O My God, in thy good time, for Jesus Christs sake._
Amen.

5. _Upon His Majesties passing the_ BILL _for the Trienniall
Parliaments: And after, setling this, during the pleasure of the two
Houses_.

That the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first, to
contribute what in Justice, Reason, Honour and Conscience I could,
to the happy success of this Parliament, (which had in Me no other
Designe, but the generall good of My Kingdoms) I willingly passed
the BILL for Trienniall Parliaments: which, as gentle and seasonable
Physick, might (if well applied) prevent any distempers from getting
any head, or prevailing; especially, if the remedy proved not a remedy
beyond all remedy.

I conceived, this Parliament would finde work with convenient Recesses
for the first three years: But I did not imagine, that some men would
thereby have occasioned more work then they found to do, by undoing
so much as they found well done to their hands. Such is some mens
activity, that they will needs make work rather then want it; and
chuse to be doing amiss, rather then do nothing.

When that first Act seemed too scanty to satisfie some mens fears, and
compass publick Affairs; I was perswaded to grant that BILL of sitting
during the pleasure of the Houses; which amounted, in some mens sense,
to as much as the perpetuating of this Parliament. By this Act of
highest confidence, I hoped for ever to shut out, and lock the door
upon all present jealousies, and future mistakes: I confess, I did
not thereby intend to shut my Self out of doors, as some men have now
requited me.

True, it was an Act unparallell'd by any of my Predecessors; yet
cannot in reason admit of any worse interpretation then this, of an
extreme confidence I had, That my Subjects would not make ill use of
an Act, by which I declared so much to trust them, as to deny my Self
in so high a point of my Prerogative.

For good Subjects will never think it just or fit, that my Condition
should be worse, by my bettering theirs; Nor indeed would it have been
so in the events, if some men had known as well with moderation to
use, as with earnestness to desire advantages of doing good or evill.

A continuall Parliament (I thought) would but keep the Common-weale in
tune, by preserving Laws in their due execution and vigour: wherein My
interest lies more then any mans, since by those Laws My Rights as
a KING, would be preserved no less then My Subjects; which is all I
desired. More then the Law gives Me I would not have, and less the
meanest Subject should not.

Some (as _I_ have heard) gave it out, that I soon repented me of that
setling Act: and many would needs perswade Me, _I_ had cause so to do:
But I could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in men
of Honour, That the more I granted them, the less _I_ should have and
enjoy with them. _I_ still counted my self undiminished by my largest
Concessions, if by them _I_ might gain and confirm the love of My
people.

Of which I do not yet despair, but that God will still bless Me with
increase of it, when men shall have more leisure and less prejudice;
that so with unpassionate representations they may reflect upon those
(as I think) not more Princely then friendly contributions, which I
granted toward the perpetuating of their happiness: who are now only
miserable in this, That some mens ambition will not give them leave to
enjoy what I intended for their good.

Nor do I doubt, but that in Gods due time, the Loyal and cleared
affections of My people will strive to return such retributions of
Honour and love to Me or My Posteritie, as may fully compensate both
the Acts of my confidence, and my Sufferings for them; which (God
knows) have been neither few; nor small, nor short; occasioned chiefly
by a perswasion I had, that I could not grant too much, or distrust
too little, to men, that being professedly my Subjects, pretended
singular piety, and religious strictness.

The injurie of all Injuries is, That which some men will needs load Me
withall; as if I were a wilfull and resolved Occasioner of my Own,
and my Subjects Miseries; while (as they confidently, but (God knows)
falsly divulge) I repining at the establishment of this Parliament,
endeavoured by force and open hostility, to undoe what by my Royall
Assent I had done. Sure, it had argued a very short sight of things,
and extreme fatuity of minde in Me, so far to binde my Own hands at
their request, if I had shortly meant to have used a sword against
them. God knows, though I had then a sense of Injuries; yet not such
as to think them worth vindicating by a War: I was not then compelled,
as since, to injure my Self by their not using favours with the same
candour wherewith they were conferred. The Tumults indeed threatned
to abuse all Acts of Grace, and turne them into wantonnesse; but I
thought at length their own fears, whose black arts first raised up
those turbulent spirits, would force them to conjure them down again.

Nor if I had justly resented any indignities put upon me, or others,
was I then in any capacitie to have taken just revenge in an hostile
and warlike way, upon those, whom I knew so well fortified in the
love of the meaner sort of the people, that I could not have given
my Enemies greater and more desired advantages against Me, then by so
unprincely inconstancie, to have assaulted them with Armies, thereby
to scatter them, whom but lately I had solemnly setled by an Act of
Parliament.

God knows, I longed for nothing more, then that my Self, and my
Subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of my many Condescendings.

It had been a Course full of sin, as well as of Hazard and Dishonor;
for Me to go about the cutting up of that by the Sword, which I had
so lately planted, so much (as I thought) to my Subjects content, and
mine Own too, in all probability, if some men had not feared where no
fear was, whose security consisted in fearing others.

I thank God, I know so well the sincerity and uprightness of my own
Heart in passing that great BILL, which exceeded the very thoughts of
former times; That although I may seem less a Polititian to men, yet
I need no secret distinctions or evasions before God, nor had I any
reservations in my own Soul when I passed it: nor repenting after,
till I saw that my letting some men go up to the pinnacle of the
Temple, was a temptation to them to cast me down headlong.

Concluding, That without a miracle, Monarchie it self, together with
Me, could not but be dashed in pieces by such a precipitous fall as
they intended: whom God in mercy forgive, and make them see at length,
That as many Kingdoms as the Divell shewed our Saviour, and the Glory
of them (if they could be at once enjoyed by them) are not worth the
gaining, by ways of sinfull ingratitude and dishonour, which hazards a
soul, worth more Worlds then this hath Kingdoms.

But God hath hitherto preserved Me, and made Me to see, That it is no
strange thing for men, left to their own passions, either to do much
evill themselves, or abuse the overmuch goodness of others, whereof an
ungratefull surfet is the most desperate and incurable disease.

I cannot say properly that I repent of that Act, since _I_ have
no reflections upon it as a sin of my Wil, though an errour of too
charitable a judgment: Only I am sorry other mens eys should be evill,
because mine were good.

_To Thee (O my God) do I still appeale, whose All-discerning Justice
sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions, and deceitfull
darknesse of their hearts._

_Thou gavest Me a heart to grant much to My Subjects; and now I need a
Heart fitter to suffer much for some of them._

_They will be done, though never so much to the crossing of ours, even
when we hope to doe what might be most comfortable to thine and theirs
too; who pretended they aymed at nothing else._

_Let thy grace teach me wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings, as
the fulfilling of My best hopes, and most specious desires._

_I see while I thought to allay others fears, I have raised My owne;
and by setling them, have unsetled My self._

_Thus have they requited Me evill for good, and hatred for My good
will towards them._

_O Lord be thou My Pilot in this darke and dangerous storme, which
never admits My returne to the Port whence I set out, nor My making
any other, with that safety and honour which I designed._

_Tis easie for Thee to keep Me safe in the love and confidence of
My people; nor is it hard for Thee to preserve Me amidst the unjust
hatred and jealousies of too many, which thou hast suffered so far
to prevaile upon Me, as to be able to pervert and abuse my acts of
greatest Indulgence to them, and assurance of them._

_But no favours from Me can make others more guiltie then My self may
be of misusing those many and great ones, which Thou, O Lord, hast
conferred on Me._

_I beseech thee, give Me and them such Repentance as thou wilt accept,
and such Grace as we may not abuse._

_Make me so far happy, as to make right use of others abuses; and by
their failings of Me, to reflect with a reforming displeasure upon My
offences against Thee._

_So, although for My sins I am by other mens sins deprived of thy
temporall blessings, yet I may be happie to enjoy the comfort of
thy Mercies, which often raise the greatest Sufferers to be the most
glorious Saints._

6. _Upon His Majesties retirement from_ Westminster.

With what unwillingness I withdrew from _Westminster_, let them judg,
who, unprovided of tackling and victual, are forced to Sea by a Storm;
yet better do so, then venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore.

I stayed at _Whitehall_, till I was driven away by shame, more then
fear, to see the barbarous rudeness of those Tumults, who resolved
they would take the boldness to demand any thing, and not leave either
my Self, or the Members of Parliament the liberty of our Reason and
Conscience to deny them any thing.

Nor was this intolerable oppression my case alone, (though chiefly
Mine;) For the Lords and Commons might be content to be over-voted by
the _major_ part of their Houses, when they had used each their own
freedom.

Whose agreeing Votes were not by any Law or reason conclusive to my
Judgment; nor can they include, or carry with them my consent, whom
they represent not in any kinde; Nor am I further bound to agree with
the Votes of both Houses, then I see them agree with the will of God,
with my just Rights, as a King, and the generall good of my people.
I see that, as many men, they are seldom of one minde; and I may oft
see, that the major part of them are not in the right.

I had formerly declared to sober and moderate minds, how desirous I
was to give all just content, when I agreed to so many Bils, which
had been enough to secure and satisfie all; if some mens Hydropick
unsatiableness had not learned to thirst the more, by how much more
they drank; whom no fountain of Royall bounty was able to overcome: so
resolved they seemed, either utterly to exhaust it, or barbarously to
obstruct it.

Sure, it ceases to be Counsell, when not Reason is used, as to men, to
perswade; but force and terrour, as to beasts, to drive and compel men
to assent to what-ever tumultuary Patrons shall project. He deserves
to be a slave without pity or redemption, that is content to have the
rationall soveraignty of his Soul, and liberty of his Will and words
so captivated.

Nor do I think my Kingdoms so considerable, as to preserve them with
the forfeiture of that freedom which cannot be denied me as a King,
because it belongs to me as a man, and a Christian, owning the
dictates of none, but God to be above me, as obliging me to consent.
Better for Me to die enjoying this Empire of my Soul, which Subjects
me only to God, so farr as by Reason or Religion he directs me, then
live with the Title of a King, if it should carry such a vassalage
with it, as not to suffer me to use my Reason and Conscience, in which
I declare as a King, to like or dislike.

So farr am I from thinking the majesty of the Crown of _England_ to
be bound by any Coronation Oath in a blinde and brutish formalitie, to
consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require; as some
men will needs inferr; while denying me any power of a Negative voice
as King, they are not ashamed to seek to deprive me of the libertie of
using my Reason with a good Conscience, which themselves, and all the
Commons of _England_ enjoy proportionable to their influence on the
publique; who would take it very ill to be urged, not to deny, what
ever my self, as King, or the House of Peers with me should, not so
much desire as enjoyn them to pass. I think my Oath fully discharged
in that point, by my Governing only by such Laws, as my People with
the House of Peers have Chosen, and my self have consented to. I
shall never think my self conscientiously tied to go as oft against
my conscience, as I should consent to such new Proposals, which my
Reason, in Justice, Honor and Religion bids Me deny.

Yet so tender I see some men are of their being subject to Arbitrary
Government, (that is, the Law of anothers will, to which themselves
give no consent) that they care not with how much dishonour and
absurdity they make their King the only man, that must be subject
to the will of others, without having power left Him to use His own
Reason, either in Person, or by any other Representation.

And if My dissentings at any time were (as som have suspected, and
uncharitably avowed) out of error, opinion, activeness, weakness,
or wilfulness, and what they call Obstinacy in Me (which not true
Judgment of things, but some vehement prejudice or passion hath fixed
on My minde;) yet can no man think it other then the Badge and
method of Slavery, by savage rudeness, and importunate obtrusions of
violence, to have the mist of his Errour and Passion dispelled, which
is a shadow of Reason, and must serve those that are destitute of
the substance. Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or man, who
seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things, and faithfully
followes what he takes for Reason: The uprightnesse of his intentions
will excuse the possible failings of his understanding; If a Pilot at
Sea cannot see the Pole-star, it can be no fault in him to steer his
course by such Stars as do best appear to him. It argues rather,
those men to be conscious of their defects of Reason, and convincing
Arguments, who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on the
weakness of their Counsels and Proposals. I may, in the truth and
uprightness of my heart, protest before God and men, That I never
wilfully opposed, or denied any thing that was in a fair way, after
full and free debates propounded to me by the two Houses, further then
I thought in good reason I might, and was bound to do.

Nor did any thing ever please me more, then when my Judgment so
concurred with theirs, that I might with a good Conscience consent to
them: Yea, in many things, where not absolute and morall necessity
of Reason, but temporary convenience in point of Honour was to be
considered, I chose rather to deny my Self, then Them; as preferring
that which they thought necessary for my peoples good, before what I
saw but convenient for my Self.

For I can be content to recede much from my Own Interests, and
Personall Rights, of which I conceive my Self to be master: but in
what concerns Truth, Justice, the Right of the Church, and my Crown,
together with the generall good of my Kingdoms: (all which I am bound
to preserve as much as morally lies in me;) here I am, and ever shall
be fixt and resolute, nor shall any man gain my consent to that,
wherein my heart gives my hand or tongue the Lie; nor will I be
brought to affirm that to men, which in my Conscience I denied before
God. I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of Thorns with my Saviour,
then to exchange that of Gold (which is due to Me) for one of Lead,
whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend, and comply to the
various, and oft contrary dictates of any Factions: when in stead of
Reason, and Publick concernments, they obtrude nothing but what makes
for the interest of parties, and flows from the particularities of
private wils and passions.

I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian King, then to prefer His
Conscience before His Kingdoms.

_O my God preserve thy servant in this Native, Rationall and Religious
freedome; For this I beleeve is thy will, that we should maintain:
who, though thou dost justly require us to submit our understandings
and wils to thine; whose wisdom and goodnesse can neither erre, nor
misguide us, and so far to deny our carnall reason, in order to thy
sacred Mysteries and Commands, that we should beleeve and obey,
rather then dispute them; yet dost thou expect from us, only such a
reasonable service of thee, as not to do any thing for thee, against
our consciences: and as to the desires of men, enjoinest us to try all
things by the touch-ston of reason and Lawes, which are the rules of
Civill Justice; and to declare our consents to that only which our
Judgments approve._

_Thou knowest, ô Lord, how unwilling I was to desert that place, in
which thou hast set Me, and whereto the affairs of My Kingdoms at
present did call me._

_My People can witness how far I have been content for their good, to
deny My self, in what thou hast subjected to My disposall._

_O let not the unthankfull importunities, and tumultuary violence of
some mens Immoderat demands, ever betray Me to that degenerous and
unmanly slavery, which should make Me strengthen them by My consent in
those things which I think in My conscience to be against thy glory,
the good of My subjects, and the discharge of My own duty to Reason
and Justice._

_Make me willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries
they press upon Me, rather then commit the least sin against My
Conscience._

_Let the just Liberties of My people be (as well they may) preserved
in fair and equall waies, without the slavery of My soul._

_Thou that hast invested Me by thy favours, in the power of a
Christian King, suffer Me not to subject My Reason to other mens
passions, and designes, which to Me seem unreasonable, unjust and
irreligious: So shall I serve thee in the truth and uprightness of My
heart, though I cannot satisfie these men._

_Though I be driven from among them, yet give Me grace to walk,
alwaies uprightly before thee._

_Lead Me in the way of Truth and Justice, for these, I know, will
bring Me at last to peace and happiness with thee; though for these I
have much trouble among men._

_This I beg of thee for my Saviours sake._

7. _Upon the Queenes departure and absence out of_ England.

Although I have much cause to be troubled at My Wifes departure from
Me, and out of My Dominions; yet not Her absence, so much, as the
scandall of that necessity which drives her away, doth afflict Me.
That She should be compelled by my own Subjects, and those pretending
to be Protestants, to withdraw for Her safety: This being the first
example of any Protestant Subjects, that have taken up Arms against
their King, a Protestant: For I look upon this now done in England, as
another Act of the same Tragedie which was lately begun in Scotland;
the brands of that fire being ill quenched, have kindled the like
flames here. I fear such motions (so little to the adorning of the
Protestant profession) may occasion a further alienation of mind, and
divorce of affections in Her from that Religion, which is the onely
thing wherein we differ.

Which yet God can (and I pray he would) in time take away; and not
suffer these practices to be any obstruction to Her judgment, since it
is the motion of those men (for the most part) who are yet to seek and
settle their Religion for Doctrine, Government and good manners, and
so not to be imputed to the true English Protestants, who continue
firm to their former setled Principles and Laws.

I am sorry my relation to so deserving a Ladie, should be any occasion
of her danger and affliction; whose merits would have served her for
a protection among the savage Indians: while their rudeness and
barbaritie knows not so perfectly to hate all Vertues, as some mens
subtiltie doth: among whom I yet think few are so malicious as to hate
Her for her Self: The fault it, that She is my Wife.

All Justice then, as well as Affection, commands me to studie her
Securitie, who is only in danger for my sake; I am content to be
tossed, weather-beaten, and shipwrack'd, so as she may be in safe
Harbour.

This comfort I shall injoy by her safety in the midst of my Personall
dangers, that I can perish but half, if she be preserved: in whose
memory and hopefull Posterity, I may yet survive the malice of my
Enemies, although they should be satiated with my bloud.

I must leave her and them to the Love and Loyaltie of my good
Subjects; and to his protection, who is able to punish the faults of
Princes, and no less able to revenge the injuries done to them, by
those who in all dutie and Allegiance ought to have made good that
safetie, which the Laws chiefly provide for Princes.

But common civilitie is in vain expected from those that dispute their
Loyaltie: Nor can it be safe (for any relation) to a King, to tarry
among them that are shaking hands with their Allegiance, under
pretence of laying faster hold on their Religion.

'Tis pitie so noble and peaceful a Soul should see, much more suffer
the rudeness of those, who must make up their want of Justice, with
inhumanity and impudence.

Her sympathie with Me in my afflictions, will make her vertue shine
with greater lustre, as starrs in the darkest nights; and assure the
envious world, that she loves me, not my fortunes.

Neither of us but can easily forgive, since We do not much blame the
unkindness of the Generality and Vulgar: for we see God is pleased to
try both our patience, by the most self-punishing sin, the Ingratitude
of those, who having eaten of Our bread, and being enriched with Our
bounty, have Scornfully lift up themselves against Us; and those of
Our own Houshold are become Our enemies. I pray God lay not their
sinne to their charge: who think to satisfie all obligations to duty,
by their Corban of Religion: and can less endure to see, then to sin
against their benefactors as well as their Soveraign.

But even that policy of my enemies is so farr veniall, as it was
necessary to their designs, by scandalous articles, and all irreverent
demeanour, to seek to drive her out of my Kingdoms; left by the
influence of her example, eminent for love as a Wife, and loyaltie as
a Subject, she should have converted to, or retained in their love and
loyaltie, all those whom they had a purpose to pervert.

The less I may be blest with her company, the more I will retire to
God and my own Heart, whence no malice can banish Her. My enemies may
envie, but they can never deprive me of the enjoyment of her vertues,
while I enjoy my self.

_Thou, O Lord, whose Justice at present sees fit to scatter us, let
thy mercie, in thy due time, reunite us on earth, if it be thy will;
however bring us both at last to thy heavenly Kingdom._

_Preserve us from the hands of our despitefull and deadly enemies; and
prepare us by our sufferings for thy presence._

_Though we differ in some things, as to Religion, (which is my
greatest temporall infelicitie) yet Lord give and accept the
sinceritie of our affections, which desire to seek, to finde, to
embrace every Truth of thine._

_Let both our hearts agree in the love of thy self, and Christ
crucified for us._

_Teach us both what thou wouldst have us to know, in order to thy
glory, our publique relations, and our souls eternal good, and make us
carefull to do what good we know._

_Let neither Ignorance of what is necessary to be known, nor unbelief,
or disobedience to what we know, be our miserie, or our wilfull
default._

_Let not this great Scandall of those my Subjects, which profess the
same Religion with me, be any hindrance to her love of any Truth thou
wouldst have her to learn, nor any hardning of her in any error thou
wouldst have cleared to her._

_Let Mine and other mens constancie be an Antidote against the poyson
of their example._

_Let the truth of that Religion I professe be represented to her
judgment, with all the beauties of humilitie, loyaltie, charitie, and
peaceablenesse; which are the proper fruits and ornaments of it: Not
in the odious disguise of Levitie, Schism, Heresie, Noveltie, Crueltie
and Disloyaltie, which some mens practices have put upon it._

_Let her see thy sacred and saving Truths as Thine; that she may
believe, love and obey them as Thine, cleared from all rust and drosse
of humane mixtures._

_That in the glasse of thy Truth Shee may see thee in those Mercies
which thou hast offered to us in thy Son Jesus Christ, our onely
Saviour, and serve thee in all those holy Duties, which most agree
with his holy Doctrine, and most imitable example._

_The experience we have of the vanitie and uncertaintie of all humane
Glorie and Greatnesse in our scatterings and eclypses, let it make
us both so much the more ambitious to be invested in those durable
Honours and perfections which are onely to be found in thy self, and
obtained throuqh Jesus Christ._

8. _Upon His Majesties repulse at_ Hull, _and the fates of the_
Hothams.

My repulse at _Hull_ seemed at the first view an act of so rude
disloyalty, that my greatest Enemies had scarce confidence enough
to abett or own it: It was the first overt Essay to be made, how
patiently I could bear the losse of my Kingdoms.

God knows, it affected me more with shame and sorrow for others, then
with anger for my Self; nor did the affront done to me, trouble me so
much as their sin, which admitted no colour or excuse.

I was resolved how to bear this, and much more with patience: But I
foresaw they could hardly contain themselves within the compass
of this one unworthy act, who had effrontery enough to commit or
countenance it. This was but the hand of that cloud, which was soon
after to overspread the whole Kingdom, and cast all into disorder and
darkness.

For 'tis among the wicked Maximes of bold and disloyall undertakers:
That bad actions must always be seconded with worse, and rather not
begun, then not carried on; for they think the retreat more dangerous
then the assault, and hate repentance more then perseverance in a
fault.

This gave me to see clearly thorow all the pious disguises, and soft
palliations of some men; whose words were sometime smoother then oil,
but now I saw they would prove very swords.

Against which I having (as yet) no defence, but that of a good
Conscience, thought it My best policie (with patience) to bear what
I could not remedie: And in this (I thank God) I had the better of
_Hotham_, that no disdain, or emotion of passion transported Me, by
the indignitie of his carriage, to do or say any thing unbeseeming
My self, or unsuitable to that temper, which, in greatest injuries,
I think, best becomes a Christian, as coming nearest to the great
example of Christ.

And indeed, I desire alwaies more to remember I am a Christian, then
a King; for what the Majesty of one might justly abhor, the Charity
of the other is willing to bear; what the height of a King tempteth to
revenge, the humilitie of a Christian teacheth to forgive, keeping in
compass all those impotent passions, whose excess injures a man more
then his greatest enemies can; for these give their malice a full
impression on our souls, which otherwise cannot reach very far, nor do
us much hurt.

I cannot but observe how God not long after so pleaded and avenged my
cause, in the eye of the world, that the most wilfully blind cannot
avoid the displeasure to see it, and with some remorse and fears to
own it as a notable stroke, and prediction of divine vengeance.

First, Sir _John Hotham_ unreproched, unthreatned, uncursed by
any language or secret imprecation of mine, onely blasted with the
conscience of his own wickednesse, and falling from one inconstancy
to another, not long after paies his own and his eldest Sons heads,
as forfeiture of their disloyalty, to those men, from whom surely he
might have expected an other reward, then thus to divide their heads
from their bodies, whose hearts with them were divided from their
KING.

Nor is it strange that they who employed them at first in so high a
service, and so successfull to them, should not finde mercy enough to
forgive Him, who had so much premerited of them: For, Apostacy unto
Loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sin.

Nor did a solitary vengeance serve the turn, the cutting off one head
in a Family is not enough to expiate the affront done to the head of
the Common-weal. The eldest Son must be involved in the punishment, as
he was infected with the sin of the Father, against the Father of his
Country: Root and branch God cuts off in one day.

These Observations are obvious to every fancie: God knows, I was so
far from rejoycing in the _Hothams_ ruine, (though it were such as
was able to give the greatest thirst for revenge a full draught, being
executed by them who first employed him against Me) that I so far
pitied him, as I thought he at first acted more against the light of
his Conscience, then I hope many other men do in the same Cause.

For, he was never thought to be of that superstitious sowrenesse which
some men pretend to in matters of Religion, which so darkens their
judgment, that they cannot see any thing of Sin and Rebellion in those
means they use, with intents to reform to their Models, of what they
call Religion, who think all is gold of Piety, which doth but glister
with a shew of Zeal and Fervencie.

Sir _John Hotham_ was (I think) a man of another temper, and so most
liable to those downright temptations of Ambition, which have no cloak
or cheat of Religion to impose upon themselves or others.

That which makes me more pitie him, is, that after he began to have
some inclinations towards a repentance for his sin, and reparation of
his duty to Me, he should be so unhappie as to fall into the hands of
their Justice, and not my mercie, who could as willingly have forgiven
him, as he could have asked that favor of Me.

For I think clemency a debt which we ought to pay to those that crave
it, when we have cause to believe they would not after abuse it, since
God himself suffers us not to pray any thing for his mercie, but only
praiers and praises.

Poor Gentleman, he is now become a noteable monument of unprosperous
disloialtie, teaching the world by so bad and unfortunate a spectacle,
that the rude carriage of a Subject towards his Soveraign carries
alwaies its own vengeance, & an unseparable shadow with it, and those
oft prove the most fatall, and implacable Executioners of it, who were
the first Imployers in the service.

After-times will dispute it, whether _Hotham_ were more infamous at
_Hull_, or at _Tower-hill_; though 'tis certain that no punishment
so stains a mans Honour, as wilfull expectations of unworthy actions;
which besides the conscience of the sin, brands with most indeliable
characters of infamy, the name and memory to posterity, who not
engaged in the Faction of the times, have the most impartiall
reflections on their actions.

_But thou, O Lord, who hast in so remarkable a way avenged thy
Servant, suffer me not to take any secret pleasure in it, for as his
death hath satisfied the injury he did to me, so let me not by it
gratifie any passion in me, lest I make thy vengeance to be mine, and
consider the affront against me, more than the sin against thee._

_Thou indeed, without any desire or endevor of mine, hast made his
mischief to return on his own head, and his violent dealing to come
down on his own pate._

_Thou hast pleaded my cause, even before the sons of men, and taken
the matter into thine own hands; that men may know it was thy work and
see that thou, Lord, hast done it._

_I do not, I dare not say, so let mine enemies perish._

_O Lord! yea Lord, rather give them repentance pardon and impunity, if
it be thy blessed will._

_Let not thy justice prevent the objects and opportunities of my
mercy; yea, let them live and amend who have most offended me in
so high a nature; that I may have those to forgive; who bear most
proportion in their offences to those trespasses against thy majesty,
which I hope thy mercy hath forgiven me._

_Lord lay not their sinns (who yet live) to their charge for
condemnation, but to their consciences for amendment: Let the
Lightning of this thunderbolt, which hath been so severe a punishment
to one, be a terrour to all._

_Discover to them their sinn, who know not they have done amiss, and
scare them from their sin, that sin of malicious wickednss._

_That preventing thy judgments by their true repentance, they may
escape the stroaks of thine eternal vengeance._

_And do Thou, O Lord, establish the Throne of thy Servant in
mercie and truth meeting together; let my Crown ever flourish in
righteousness and peace kissing each other._

_Hear my prayer, O Lord, who hast taught us to pray for, to doe good
to, and to love our Enemies for thy sake; who hast prevented us with
offertures of thy love, even when we were thine enemies, and hast sent
thy Son Jesus Christ to die for us, when we were disposed to crucifie
Him._

9. _Upon the lifting, and raising Armies against the_ KING.

I find that I am at the same point and posture I was, when they forced
me to leave _White-hall_: what tumults could not do, an Army must;
which is but Tumults lifted, and enrolled to a better order, but
as bad an end: My recesse have given them confidence that I may be
conquered.

And so I easily may as to any outward strength, which, God knows,
is little or none at all: But I have a Soul invinciable through Gods
Grace enabling Me; here I am sure to be Conquerour, if God will give
me such a measure of Constancy, as to fear him more then man: and
to love the inward peace of my Conscience, before any outward
tranquillity.

And must I be opposed with force, because they have not reason whereby
to convince me? O my Soule! be of good courage, they confesse their
known weaknesse, as to truth, and Justice, who chose rather to contend
by Armies, then by Arguments.

Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive for those many acts
of Grace I have lately passed, and for those many Indignities I have
endured? Is there no way left to make Me a glorious KING, but by my
sufferings?

It is a hard and disputable choice for a King that loves his People,
and desires their love, either to kill his own Subjects, or to be
killed by them.

Are the hazards and miseries of Civil War in the bowels of my most
flourishing Kingdom, the fruits I must now reap after 17 yeers living
and reigning among them with such a measure of Justice, Peace,
Plenty, and Religion, as all Nations about either admired, or envied?
notwithstanding some miscarriages in Government, which might escape,
rather through ill counsell of some men driving on their private ends,
or the peevishness of others envying the Publick should be managed
without them, or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State,
then any propensity, I hope, of my Self either to injuriousnesse or
oppression.

Whose innocent bloud, during my Reign, have I shed, to satisfie
my lust, anger, or covetousness? what Widows or Orphans tears can
witnesse against me; the just cry of which must now be avenged with my
Own bloud? For the hazards of War are equall, nor doth the Canon know
any respect of persons.

In vain is my Person excepted by a Parenthesis of words, when so many
hands are armed against me with Swords.

God knowes how much I have studied to see what Ground of Justice is
alledged for this Warr against Me; that so I might (by giving just
satisfaction) either prevent, or soon end so unnaturall a motion;
which (to many men) seems rather the productions of a surfeit of peace
and wantonness of mindes, or of private discontents, Ambition and
Faction (which easily finde, or make causes of quarrell) then any
reall obstructions of publique Justice, or Parliamentary Priviledg.

But this is pretended, and this I must be able to avoid and answer
before God in My owne Conscience, however some men are not willing to
beleeve Me, lest they should condemn themselves.

When I first with-drew from _White-hall_, to see if I could allay the
insolency of the Tumults (for the not suppressing of which, no account
in Reason can be given, (where an orderly Guard was granted) but only
to oppress both Mine and the Two Houses freedome of declaring and
voting according to every mans Conscience) what obstructions of
Justice were there further then this, that what seemed just to one
man, might not seem so to another?

Whom did I by power protect against the Justice of Parliament?

That some men with-drew, who feared the partiality of their tryall,
(warned by my Lord of _Straffords_ death) while the vulgar threatned
to be their Oppressors, and Judgers of their Judges, was from that
instinct which is in all creatures to preserve themselves. If any
others refused to appear, where they evidently saw the current of
Justice and Freedom so stopped and troubled by the Rabble, that their
lawfull Judges either durst not come to the House, or not declare
their sense with liberty and safety; it cannot seem strange to any
reasonable man, when the sole exposing them to publick _odium_ was
enough to ruine them before their Cause could be heard or tryed.

Had not factious Tumults over-born the Freedom and Honour of the two
Houses, had they asserted their Justice against them, and made the
way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their
Consciences: I know no man so deer to Me, whom I had the least
inclination to advise, either to withdraw himself, or deny appearing
upon their Summons, to whose Sentence according to Law, I think every
Subject bound to stand.

Distempers (indeed) were risen to so great a height for want of timely
suppressing the vulgar insolencies, that the greatest guilt of those
which were Voted and demanded as Delinquents, was this, That they
would not suffer themselves to be over-awed by the Tumults, and their
Patrons; nor compelled to abet by their suffrages, or presence; the
designes of those men who agitated innovations and ruine both in
Church and State.

In this point I could not but approve their generous constancie
and cautiousness; further then this I did never allow any mans
refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses; to
whom I wished nothing more then Safetie, Fulness and Freedom.

But the truth is, some men and those not many, despairing in fair
and Parliamentary waies by free Deliberations and Votes to gain the
concurrence of the major part of Lords and Commons, betook themselves
(by the desperate activitie of factious Tumults) to sift and terrifie
away all those Members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their
purposes.

How oft was the businesse of the Bishops enjoying their ancient
places, and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers, carried for
them by far the Major part of Lords? Yet after five repulses, contrary
to all Order and Custome, it was by Tumultuary instigations obtruded
again, and by a few carried, when most of the Peers were forced to
absent themselves.

In like manner as the Bill against Root and Branch, brought on by
tumultuary Clamours, and schismaticall Terrours, which could never
passe til both Houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed.

To which partialitie, while in all Reason, Justice, and Religion, my
Conscience forbids me, by consenting, to make up their Votes to Acts
of Parliament, I must now be urged with an Armie, and constrained
either to hazard my Own, and my Kingdoms ruine, by my Defence, or
prostrate my Conscience to the blinde obedience of those men, whose
zealous superstition thinks, or pretends, they cannot do God and the
Church a greater service, then utterly to destroy that Primitive,
Apostolicall, and anciently Universall Government of the Church by
Bishops.

Which, if other mens judgments bind them to maintain, or forbids them
to consent to the abolishing of it, mine much more; who, besides
the grounds I have in my judgement, have also a most strict and
indispensable Oath upon my Conscience, to preserve that Order, and
the Rights of the Church; to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred
Perjurie, most un-beseeming a Christian King, should I ever, by
giving my consent, be betrayed, I should account it infinitely greater
miserie, then any hath, or can befall me; in as much as the least sin
hath more evill in it then the greatest affliction. Had I gratified
their Anti-Episcopall Faction at first in this point with my Consent,
and sacrificed the Ecclesiasticall Government and Revenues to the fury
of their covetousness, ambition, and revenge, I beleeve they would
then have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army to fetch in
and punish Delinquents.

That I consented to the Bil of putting the Bishops out of the House
of Peers, was done with a firm perswasion of their contentedness to
suffer a present diminution in their Rights and Honour for my sake,
and the Commonweals, which I was confident they would readily yeeld
unto, rather then occasion (by the least obstruction on their part)
any dangers to Me, or to my Kingdom. That I cannot add my consent for
the totall extirpation of that Government (which I have often offered
to all fit regulations) hath so much further tie upon My Conscience,
as what I think Religious and Apostolicall, and so very sacred and
Divine, is not to be dispensed with, or destroyed, when what is onely
of civill Favour, and priviledge of Honour granted to men of that
Order, may with their consent who are concerned in it, be annulled.

This is the true state of those obstructions pretended to be in point
of Justice and Authority of Parliament; when I call God to witness,
I know none of such consequence as was worth speaking of a War, being
onely such as Justice, Reason and Religion had made in my own and
other mens Consciences.

Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was made, which were but
consequences necessarily following upon Mine, or others withdrawing
from, or defence against violence: but those could not be the first
occasion of raising an Army against Me. Wherein I was so far from
preventing them, (as they have declared often, that they might seem to
have the advantage and Justice of the defensive part, and load Me with
all the envie and injuries of first assaulting them) that (God knows)
I had not so much as any hopes of an Army in My thoughts. Had the
Tumults been honourably and effectually repressed by exemplary
justice, and the Liberty of the Houses so vindicated, that all Members
of either House might with Honour and Freedom, becoming such a Senate,
have come and discharged their Consciences, I had obtained all that I
designed by My withdrawing, and had much more willingly and speedily
returned, then I retired; this being My necessity driving, the other
my choice desiring.

But some men knew, I was like to bring the same Judgment and Constancy
which I carryed with Me, which would never fit their designes; and
so while they invited Me to come, and grievously complained of My
absence, yet they could not but be pleased with it: especially, when
they had found out that plausible and popular pretexts of raising an
Army to fetch in Delinquents: when all that while they never punished
the greatest and most intolerable delinquencie of the Tumults, and
their Exciters, which drave my Self, and so many of both Houses from
their places, by most barbarous indignities; which yet in all Reason
and Honour, they were as loath to have deserted, as those others were
willing they should, that so they might have occasion to persecute
them with the injuries of an Army, for not suffering more tamely the
injuries of Tumults.

That this is the true state, and first drift and designe in raising an
Army against me, is by the sequel so evident, that all other pretences
vanish. For when they declared by Propositions, or Treaties, what they
would have to appease them; there was nothing of consequence offered
to Mee, or demanded of Mee, as any originall difference in any point
of Law, or order of Justice. But among other lesser Innovations, this
chiefly was urged, The Abolition of Episcopall, and the Establishment
of Presbyterian Government.

All other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to
any ground of a War, or easily granted by me, and onely to make up a
number; or else they were meerly consequentiall, and accessarie, after
the War was by them unjustly began.

I cannot hinder other mens thoughts, whom the noise and shew of
piety, and heat of Reformation and Religion, might easily so fill
with prejudice, that all equality and clearness of judgement might be
obstructed. But this was, and is, as to my best observation, the true
state of affairs between Us, when they first raised an Armie, with
this designe, either to stop my mouth, or to force my consent: and
in this truth, as to my conscience, (who was God knowes, as far from
meditating a War, as I was in the eye of the world, from having any
preparation for one) I finde that comfort, that in the midst of all
the unfortunate Successes of this War, on my side, I do not think
my Innocency any whit prejudiced or darkned; Nor am I without that
Integrity and Peace before God, as with humble confidence to address
my Prayer to Him.

_For thou, O Lord, seest cleerly thorow all the cloudings of humane
affairs: Thou judgest without prejudice: Thy Omniscience eternally
guides thy unerrable Judgment._

_O my God, the proud are risen against Me, and the Assemblies of
violent men have sought after my Soul, and have not set Thee before
their eyes._

_Consider mine Enemies, O Lord, for they are many, and they hate me
with a deadly hatred, without a cause._

_For thou knowest, I had no passion, design, or preparation to embroil
My Kingdoms in a Civil War; whereto I had least temptation; as knowing
I must adventure more then any, and could gain least of any by it._

_Thou, O Lord, art my witness, how oft I have deplored and studied
to divert the necessity thereof, wherin I cannot well be thought so
prodigally thirstie of my Subjects blood, as to venture my own life,
which I have bin oft compelled to do in this unhappie War; and which
were better spent to save then to destroy my people._

_O Lord, I need much of thy grace, with patience to bear the many
afflictions thou hast suffered some men to bring upon me; but much
more to bear the unjust reproaches of those, who not content that
I suffer most by the War, will needs perswade the world that I have
raised first, or given just cause to raise it._

_The confidence of some mens false tongues is such, that they would
almost make me suspect my own innocencie: Yea, I could be content (at
least by my silence) to take upon me so great a guilt before men, If
by that I might allay the malice of mine enemies, and redeem my people
from this miserable War; since thou, O Lord, knowest my innocencie in
this thing._

_Thou wilt find out bloodie and deceitful men; many of whom have
not lived out half their daies, in which they promised themselvs the
enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsels._

_Save, O Lord, thy servant, as hitherto thou hast, and in thy due time
scatter the people that delight in War._

_Arise, O Lord, lift up thy Self, because of the rage of mine enemies,
which increaseth more and more. Behold them that have conceived
mischief, travelled with iniquitie, and brought forth falshood._

_Thou knowest the chief designe of this War is, either to destroy my
Person, or force my Judgement, and to make me renege my Conscience,
and thy Truth._

_I am driven to crosse_ DAVIDS _choice, and desire rather to fall into
the hands of men by denying them (though their mercie be cruell) then
into thy hands by sinning against My Conscience, and in that against
thee, who art a consuming fire: Better they destroy Me, then thou
shouldest damn Me._

_Be thou the defence of My soul, who wilt save the upright in heart._

_If nothing but My blood will satisfie My Enemies, or quench the
flames of My Kingdoms, or thy temporall Justice, I am content, if it
be thy will, that it be shed by mine own Subjects hands._

_But O let the bloud of Me, though their King, yet a sinner, be washed
with the blood of my Innocent cent and peace-making Redeemer, for in
that thy Justice will finde not only a temporary expiation, but an
eternall plenary satisfaction, both for my sins, and the sins of my
People; whom I beseech thee still own for thine, and when thy wrath is
appeased by my Death, O Remember thy great mercies towards them, and
forgive them! O my Father, for they know not what they doe._

10. _Upon their seizing the Kings Magazines, Forts, Navy, and
Militia._

How untruly I am charged with the first raising of an Army, and
beginning this Civill Warre, the eyes that onely pitty Me, and the
Loyall hearts that durst only pray for me, at first, might witnesse,
which yet appear not so many on my side, as there were men in Armes
lifted against me; my unpreparednesse for a War may well dis-hearten
those that would help Me; while it argues (truly) my willingnes to
fight; yet it testifies for me, that I am set on the defensive part;
having so little hopes or power to defend others, that I have none to
defend my self, or to preserve what is mine own from their proreption.

No man can doubt but they prevented me in their purposes, as well
as their injuries, who are so much before-hand in their preparations
against me, and surprisals of my Strength. Such as are not for Them,
yet dare not be for Me; so over-aw'd is their Loyalty by the others
numbers and terrours. I believe my innocency and unpreparedness
to assert my Rights and Honour, makes me the more guilty in their
esteems; who would not so easily have declared a War against me, if I
had first assaulted them.

They knew, my chiefest Arms left me, were those only which the Ancient
Christians were wont to use against their Persecutors, Prayers and
Tears. These may serve a good mans turn, if not to conquer as a
Souldier, yet to suffer as a Martyr.

Their preventing of me, and surprising my Castles, Forts, Arms and
Navy, with the Militia, is so far best for me, That it may drive me
from putting any trust in the arm of flesh, and wholly to cast my self
into the protection of the living God, who can save by few or none, as
well as by many.

He that made the greedy Ravens to be Elias Caterers, and bring him
food, may also make their surprisall of outward force and defence,
an opportunity to shew me the special support of his power and
protection.

I thank God, I reckon not now the want of the _Militia_ so much in
reference to my own protection, as my Peoples.

Their many and sore oppressions grieve me, I am above mine own: What I
want in the hands of Force and Power, I have in the wings of Faith and
Prayer.

But this is the strange method these men will needs take to resolve
their riddle of Making Me a glorious King, by taking away my Kingly
power: Thus I shall become a Support to my Friends, and a Terrour to
my Enemies, by being unable to succour the one, or suppress the other.

For thus have they designed and proposed to me the new modeling of
Soveraignty and Kingship, as without any reality of power, so without
any necessity of subjection and obedience: That the Majesty of the
Kings of England might hereafter hang like Mahomet's Tomb, by a
magnetique Charm, between the Power and Priviledges of the two Houses,
in an airy imagination of Regality.

But I beleeve the surfet of too much power, which some men have
greedily seized on, and now seek wholly to devour, will ere long make
the Common-wealth sick both of it and them, since they cannot well
digest it; Soveraign Power in Subjects seldom agreeing with the
stomacks of fellow-subjects.

Yet I have even in this point of the constant Militia, sought, by
satisfying their fears and importunities, both to secure my Friends,
and overcome mine Enemies, to gain the peace of all, by depriving
my self of a sole power to help, or hurt any: yeelding the Militia,
(which is my undoubted Right no less then the Crown) to be disposed of
as the two Houses shall think fit, during my time.

So willing am I to bury all jealousies in them of me, and to live
above all jealousies of them, as to my self; I desire not to be safer
then I wish them and my People: If I had the sole actuall disposing
of the Militia, I could not protect my People, further then they
protected Me and Themselves: so that the use of the Militia is
mutuall. I would but defend my self so far, as to be able to defend
my good Subjects from those mens violence and fraud, who conscious to
their own evill merits and designes, will needs perswade the world,
that none but Wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the
Shepherd and his Flock. Miserable experience hath taught my Subjects,
since power hath been wrested from Me, and imployed against Me and
Them, that neither can be safe, if both be not in such a way as the
Law hath intrusted the publike safety and welfare.

Yet even this Concession of mine, as to the exercise of the Militia,
so vast and large, is not satisfactory to some men; which seem to
be Enemies not to me only, but to all Monarchy; and are resolved to
transmit to posterity such Jealousies of the Crown, as they should
never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary Rights in point of
power; to which (at last) all Law is resolved, while thereby it is
best protected.

But here Honour and Justice due to my Successors, forbid me to yeeld
to such total alienation of that power from them, which civility and
duty, no less then Justice and Honour should have forbad them to have
asked of me.

For, although I can be content to Eclypse my own beams, to satisfie
their fears; who think they must needs be scorched or blinded, if I
should shine in the full lustre of Kingly power wherewith God and the
Laws have invested me: Yet I will never consent to put out the Sun
of Soveraignty to all posterity, and succeeding Kings; whose just
recovery of their Rights from unjust Usurpations and Extortions, shall
never be prejudiced or obstructed by any Act of mine; which indeed,
would not be more injurious to succeeding Kings, then to my Subjects;
whom I desire to leave in a condition not wholly desperate for the
future; so as by a Law to be ever subjected to those many factious
distractions, which must needs follow the many-headed _Hydra_ of
Government: which as it makes a shew to the people to have more eyes
to foresee; so they will find it hath more mouths too, which must be
satisfied: and (at best) it hath rather a monstrosity, then any thing
of perfection, beyond that of right Monarchy; where counsell may be
in many as the senses, but the Supreme Power can be but in One as the
Head.

Happily where men have tried the horrours and malignant influence
which will certainly follow my enforced darkness and Eclypse,
(occasioned by the interposition and shadow of that body, which as the
Moon receiveth its chiefest lights from me) which will at length more
esteem and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the Suns light.

And if at present I may seem by My receding so much from the use of my
Right in the Power of the _Militia_, to come short of the discharge of
that trust to which I am sworn for my peoples protection; I conceive
those men are guilty of the inforced perjury; (if so it may seem) who
compell me to take this new and strange way of discharging my trust,
by seeming to desert it; of protecting my Subjects, by exposing my
self to danger or dishonour, for their safety and quiet.

Which in the conflicts of Civill War and advantages of power, cannot
be effected but by some side yeilding; to which the greatest love
of the publique peace, and the firmest assurance of Gods protection
(arising from a good Conscience) doth more invite me, then can be
expected from other mens fears; which arising from the injustice of
their actions (though never so successfull) yet dare not adventure
their Authours upon any other way of safety then that of the Sword and
Militia; which yet are but weak defences against the stroaks of divine
Vengeance, which will overtake; or of mens own Consciences, which
alwayes attend injurious perpetrations.

For my self, I do not think that I can want any thing which
providential necessity is pleased to take from me, in order to my
Peoples tranquillity and Gods glory, whose protection is sufficient
for me; and he is able by his being with me, abundantly to compensate
to me, as he did to Job, what-ever Honour, Power, or Liberty the
Chaldeans, the Sabeans, or the Divel himself can deprive me of.

Although they take from me all defence of Arms and Militia, all refuge
by Land of Forts and Castles, all flight by Sea in my Ships and Navie;
yea, though they study to rob me of the Hearts of my Subjects, the
greatest Treasure and best Ammunition of a King; yet cannot they
deprive me of my own innocencie, or Gods mercie, nor obstruct my way
to heaven.

_Therefore, O my God, to thee I fly for help; if thou wilt be on my
side, I shall have more with me then can be against me._

_There is none in Heaven, or in Earth that I desire in comparison of
thee: In the losse of all, be thou more then all to me: Make haste
to succour me, thou that never failest them that put their trust in
thee._

_Thou seest I have no power to oppose them that come against me, who
are encouraged to fight under pretence of fighting for me: But my eies
are towards thee._

_Thou needest no help, nor shall I, if I may have thine; if not to
conquer, yet at least to suffer._

_If thou delightest not in my safety, and prosperity, behold here I am
willing to be reduced to what thou wilt have me; whose Judgements oft
begin with thy own Children._

_I am content to be nothing that thou maiest be all._

_Thou hast taught me, that no King can be saved by the multitude of an
host; but yet Thou canst save me by the multitude of Thy mercies, who
art the Lord of Hosts, and the Father of mercies._

_Help me, O Lord, who am sore distressed on every side, yet be thou on
my side, and I shall not fear what man can do unto me._

_I will give thy Justice the glorie of my distress._

_I let thy mercie have the glorie of my deliverance from them that
persecute my soul:_

_By my sins have I fought against Thee, and robbed thee of thy glory,
who am thy subject; and justly maist thou by my own Subjects, strip me
of my strength, and eclipse my glory._

_But shew thy self, O my hope and only refuge! Let not mine enemies
say, There is no help for him in his God._

_Hold up my goings in thy paths, that my footsteps slip not._

_Keep me as the apple of thine eye, hide me under the shadow of thy
wings._

_Shew thy marvelous loving kindness, O thou that savest by thy right
hand them that put their trust in thee, from those that rise up
against them;_

_From the wicked that oppress me, from my deadly enemies that compass
me about._

_Shew me the path of life. In thy presence is fulness of joy, at thy
right hand there are pleasures for evermore._

11. _Upon the 19 Propositions first sent to the_ KING; _and more
afterwards._

Although there be many things, they demand, yet if these be all, I
am glad to see at what price they set my own safety, and my peoples
peace; which I cannot think I buy at too dear a rate, save only the
parting with my Conscience and Honor. If nothing else will satisfie, I
must chuse rather to be as miserable and inglorious, as My enemies can
make or wish me.

Some things here propounded to me have been offered by me; others are
easily granted; The rest (I think) ought not to be obtruded upon me,
with the point of the sword; nor urged with the injuries of a Warr;
when I have already declared that I cannot yeeld to them, without
violating my Conscience: 'tis strange, there can be no method of
peace, but by making war upon my soul.

Here are many things required of me, but I see nothing offer'd to me,
by the way of gratefull Exchange of Honour; or any requitall or those
favours, I have, or can yet grant them.

This Honour they do me, to put Me on the giving part, which is more
princely and divine. They cannot ask more then I can give, may I but
reserve to my Self the incommunicable Jewell of my Conscience; and not
be forced to part with that, whose loss nothing can repair or requite.

Some things (which they are pleased to propound) seem unreasonable to
Me; and while I have any mastery of my Reason, how can they think I
can consent to them; who know they are such as are inconsistent with
being either a King, or a good Christian? My yeilding so much (as I
have already) makes some men confident I will deny nothing.

The love I have of my peoples peace, hath (indeed) great influence
upon Me; but the love of truth and inward peace hath more.

Should I grant some things they require, I should not so much
weaken my outward state of a King, as wound that inward quiet of my
Conscience; which ought to be, is, and ever shall be (by Gods Grace)
dearer to Me then my Kingdoms.

Some things which a King might approve, yet in Honour and Policy are
at some time to be denied, to some men, lest he should seem not
to dare to deny any thing; and give too much incouragement to
unreasonable demands or importunities.

But to bind my Self to a generall and implicite consent to what-ever
they shall desire or propound, (for such is one of their Propositions)
were such a latitude of blind obedience, as never was expected from
any Free-men, nor fit to be required of any man, much less of a King
by his own Subjects; any of whom he may possibly exceed as much in
wisdom, as he doth in place and power.

This were, as if _Samson_ should have consented, not only to bind his
own hands, and cut off his hair, but to put out his own eys, that the
Philistins might with the more safety mock and abuse him; which they
chose rather to do, then quite destroy him, when he was become so tame
an object, and fit occasion for their sport and scorn.

Certainly, to exclude all power of denyall, seems an arrogancy least
of all becoming those who pretend to make their Addresses in an humble
and loyall way of petitioning; who by that, sufficiently confess their
own inferiority, which obligeth them to rest, if not satisfied, yet
quieted, with such an Answer as the Will and Reason of their Superiour
thinks fit to give; who is acknowledged to have a freedom and power of
Reason, to Consent or Dissent, else it were very foolish and absurd
to ask, what another having not liberty to deny, neither hath power to
grant.

But if this be my Right belonging to Me, in Reason as a Man, and in
Honour as a Soveraign King (as undoubtedly it doth) how can it be
other then extreme injury to confine my Reason to a necessity of
granting all they have a mind to ask, whose minds may be as differing
from mine, both in reason and honour, as their aims may be, and
their qualities are? which last God and the Laws have sufficiently
distinguisht, making me their Soveraign, and them my Subjects: whose
Propositions may soon prove violent oppositions, if once they gain to
be necessary impositions upon the Regall Authority; Since no man seeks
to limit and confine his King in Reason, who hath not a secret aim to
share with him, or usurp upon him in Power and Dominion.

But they would have me trust to their moderation, and abandon mine
own discretion; that so I might verifie what representations some have
made of me to the world, that I am fitter to be their Pupil then their
Prince. Truly, I am not so confident of my own sufficiency, as
not willingly to admit the Counsel of others: But yet I am not so
diffident of my self, as brutishly to submit to any mans dictates,
and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in my soul, and the
Majesty of my own Crown to any of my Subjects.

Least of all have I any ground of credulity, to induce me fully to
submit to all the desires of those men, who will not admit, or do
refuse, and neglect to vindicate the freedom of their own and others
Sitting and Voting in Parliament.

Besides, all men that knew them, knew this, how young States-men the
most part of these propounders are; so that till experience of one
seven years have shewed me how well they can govern themselves, and so
much power as is wrested from me, I should be very foolish indeed, and
unfaithful in my Trust, to put the reins of both Reason and Government
wholly out of my Own, into their hands, whose driving is already too
much like _Jehues_; and whose forwardnesse to ascend the throne of
Supremacie pretends more of _Phaeton_ then of _Phebus_; God divert the
Omen of his will.

They may remember that at best they sit in Parliament, as my Subjects,
not my Superiours: called to be My Counsellours, not Dictatours: Their
Summons extends to recommend their Advice, not to command my Dutie.

When I first heard of Propositions to be sent me, I expected either
some good Laws which had been antiquated by the course of time,
or overlaid by the corruption of manners, had been desired to a
restauration of their vigour and due execution; or some evil Customs
preterlegall, and abuses personall had been to be removed: or some
injuries done by my Self, and others, to the Common-weal, were to be
repaired: or some equable offertures were to be tendred to Me, wherein
the advantages of my Crown being considered by them, might fairly
induce me to condescend to what tended to my Subjects good, without
any great diminution of my Self, whom Nature, Law, Reason and
Religion binde Me (in the first place) to preserve; without which 'tis
impossible to preserve my people according to my place.

Or (at least) I looked for such moderate desires of due Reformation of
what was (indeed) amisse in Church and State, as might still preserve
the foundation and essentials of Government in both; not shake and
quite overthrow either of them, without any regard to the Laws in
force, the wisdom and piety of former Parliaments, the ancient, and
universall practice of Christian Churches; the Rights and Priviledges
of particular men: Nor yet any thing offered in lieu, or in the room
of what must be destroyed, which might at once reach the good end of
the others Institution, and also supply its pretended defects,
reform its abuses, and satisfie sober and wise men, not with soft and
specious words, pretending zeal, and special piety, but with pregnant
and solid Reasons, both divine and humane, which might justifie the
abruptnesse and necessity of such vast Alterations.

But in all their Propositions I can observe little of these kindes,
or to these ends: Nothing of any Laws dis-jointed, which are to be
restored; of any right invaded; of any justice to be unobstructed;
of any compensations to be made; of any impartiall Reformation to be
granted: to all or any of which Reason, Religion, true Policy, or any
other humane motives might induce Me.

But as to the main matters propounded by them at any time, in which
is either great novelty or difficulty, I perceive, that what were
formerly look'd upon as Factions in the State, and Schisms in the
Church, and so punishable by the Laws, have now the confidence,
by vulgar clamours, and assistance (chiefly) to demand not onely
Tolerations of themselves, in their vanity, novelty, and confusion;
but also Abolition of the Laws against them, and a totall extirpation
of that Government, whose Rights they have a mind to invade.

This as to the main: Other Propositions are (for the most part) but
as waste paper in which those are wrapped up, to present them somewhat
more handsomly.

Nor do I so much wonder at the variety, and horrible noveltie of some
Propositions, (there being nothing so monstrous, which some fancies
are not prone to long for).

This casts me into, not an admiration, but an extasie, how such things
should have the fortune to be propounded in the name of the two Houses
of the Parliament of England, among whom, I am very confident, there
was not a fourth part of the Members of either House, whose Judgements
free, single and apart did approve or desire such destructive changes
in the Government of the Church.

I am perswaded there remains in far the Major part of both Houses
(if free and full) so much Learning, Reason, Religion, and just
Moderation, as to know how to sever between the use and the abuse of
things, the institution and the corruption, the Government and
the mis-government, the Primitive Patterns and the aberrations or
blottings of after-Copies.

Sure they could not at all, upon so little, or no Reason (as yet
produced to the contrary) so soon renounce all regard to the Laws in
force, to antiquity, to the piety of their Reforming progenitors, to
the prosperity of former times in this Church and State, under the
present Government of the Church.

Yet, by a strange fatality, these men suffer, either by their absence,
or silence, or negligence, or supine credulity (beleeving that all
is good, which is guilded with shewes of Zeal and Reformation) their
private dissenting in Judgement to be drawn into the common sewer or
streame of the present vogue and humour; which hath its chief rise and
abetment from those popular clamors and tumults: which served to give
life and strength to the infinite activity of those men, who studied
with all diligence, and policy, to improve to their innovating
designes, the present distractions.

Such Armies of Propositions having so little, in my judgment, of
Reason, Justice, and Religion on their side, as they had Tumult and
Faction for their rise, must not go alone, but ever be backt and
seconded, with Armies of Souldiers; Though the second should prevaile
against my Person, yet that first shall never overcome me further then
I see cause; for, I look not at their number and power, so much as I
weigh their Reason and Justice.

Had the two Houses first sued out their Livery, and once effectually
redeemed themselves from the Wardship of the Tumults, (which can be no
other then the Hounds that attend the cry and hollow of those men, who
hunt after factions and private Designes, to the ruine of Church and
State.)

Did my Judgement tell Me, that the propositions sent to Me were the
Results of the major part of their Votes, who exercise their freedom,
as well as they have a right to sit in Parliament: I should then
suspect my Own judgment, for not speedily and fully concurring with
every one of them.

For, I have charity enough to think there are wise men among them: and
humility to think, that, as in some things I may want, so 'tis fit I
should use their advice, which is the end for which I called them to
a Parliament. But yet I cannot allow their wisdom such a compleatness
and inerrability as to exclude my Self; since none of them hath that
part to act, that Trust to discharge, nor that Estate and Honour to
preserve, as my Self; without whose Reason concurrent with theirs
(as the Suns influence is necessary in all Natures, productions) they
cannot beget, or bring forth any one compleat and authoritative Act of
publick wisdom, which makes the Laws.

But the unreasonableness of some Propositions is not more evident to
me then this is, That they are not the joynt and free desires of those
in their Major number, who are of right to Sit and Vote in Parliament.

For, many of them favour very strong of that old leaven of
Innovations, masked under the name of Reformation; (which in my Two
last famous Predecessours days heaved, at, and sometime threatned
both Prince and Parliaments:) But, I am sure, was never wont so far
to infect the whole masse of the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom;
how-ever it dispersed among the Vulgar: Nor was it likely so
suddenly to taint the Major part of both Houses, as that they should
unanimously desire, and effect so enormous and dangerous innovations
in Church and State, contrary to their former education, practice, and
judgment.

Not that I am ignorant, how the choice of many Members was carried by
much Faction in the Countries; some thirsting after nothing more
then a passionate revenge of what-ever displeasure they had conceived
against Me, my Court, or the Clergy.

But all Reason bids me impute these sudden and vast desires of
change to those few, who armed themselves with the many-headed, and
many-handed Tumults.

No less doth Reason, Honour, and Safety both of Church and State
command me to chew such morsels before I let them down; If the
straitness of my Conscience will not give me leave to swallow down
such Camels, as others do, of Sacriledge, and injustice both to God
and man, they have no more cause to quarrell with me, then for this,
that my throat is not so wide as theirs. Yet, by Gods help, I
am resolved, That nothing of passion or peevishnesse, or list to
contradict, or vanity to shew my negative power, shall have any byas
upon my judgment, to make me gratifie my will, by denying any thing
which my Reason and Conscience commands me not.

Nor on the other side, will I consent to more then Reason, Justice,
Honor and Religion perswade me to be, for Gods glory, the Churches
good, my Peoples welfare, and my own peace.

I will study to satisfie my Parliament, and my People; but I will
never for fear, or flatterie gratifie any Faction, how potent soever;
for this were to nourish the disease, and oppresse the body.

Although many mens loyalty and prudence are terrified from giving me,
that free and faithfull counsel, which they are able and willing to
impart, and I may want; yet none can hinder me from craving of the
councell of that mighty Counsellor who can both suggest what is best,
and incline my heart stedfastly to follow it.

_O thou first and eternal Reason; whose wisdom is fortified with
omnipotencie, furnish thy servant, first with clear discoveries of
Truth, Reason and Justice in My understanding; then so confirm my
will and resolution to adhere to them, that no terrors, injuries or
oppressions of mine enemies may ever inforce me against those rules,
which thou by them hast planted in My Conscience._

_Thou never madest me a King, that I should be less then a Man; and
not dare to say, Yea, or Nay, as I see cause; which freedom is not
denied to the meanest creature that hath the use of Reason, and
liberty of speech._

_Shall that be blameable in me, which is commendable veracity and
constancy in others?_

_Thou seest, O Lord, with what partiallity, and injustice, they deny
that freedom to me their_ KING, _which Thou hast given to all men; and
which Themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves, while they
are so tender of the least breach of their priviledges._

_To thee I make my supplication, who canst guide us by an unerring
rule, through the perplexed Labyrinths of our own thoughts, and other
mens Proposals; which I have some cause to suspect, are purposely
cast as snares, that by My granting or denying them, I might be more
entangled in those difficulties, wherewith they lie in wait to afflict
me._

_O Lord, make thy way plain before Me._

_Let not my own sinful passions cloud, or divert thy sacred
suggestions._

_Let thy Glory be my end, thy Word my rule, and then thy will be
done._

_I cannot please all, I care not to please some men; if I may be
happie to please thee, I need not fear whom I displease._

_Thou that makest the wisdome of the world foolishnesse, and takest
in their own devices, such as are wise in their own conceits, make Me
wise by thy Truth, for thy honor, my Kingdoms generall good, and my
own souls salvation, and I shall not much regard the worlds opinion or
diminution of Me._

_The lesse of wisdome they are willing to impute to Me, the more they
shall be convinced of thy Wisdom directing Me, while I deny nothing
fit to be granted, out of crosnesse or humour; nor grant any thing
which is to be denied, out of any fear or flatterie of men._

_Suffer me not to be guiltie or unhappie, by willing or inconsiderate
advancing any mens designes, which are injurious to the publique good,
while I confirm them by My consent._

_Nor let Me be any occasion to hinder or defraud the Publick of what
is best, by any morose or perverse dissentings._

_Make Me so humbly charitable, as to follow their advice, when it
appears to be for the publick good; of whose affections to me, I have
yet but few evidencies to assure Me._

_Thou canst as well blesse honest errours, as blast fraudulent
counsels._

_Since we must give an account of every evill and idle word in
private, at thy Tribunall; Lord make me carefull of those solemne
Declarations of mine which are like to have the greatest influence
upon the Publique, either for woe, or weale._

_The lesse others consider what they aske, make me the more solicitous
what I answer._

_Though Mine own, and My Peoples pressures are grievous, and peace
would be very pleasing; yet Lord, never suffer Me to avoid the one, or
purchase the other, with the least expense or wast of my Conscience;
whereof thou, O Lord, onely art deservedly more Master then my self._

12. _Upon the Rebellion, and troubles in_ Ireland.

The Commotions in _Ireland_ were so sudden, and so violent, that it
was hard at first either to discern the rise, or apply a remedie to
that precipitant Rebellion.

Indeed that Sea of blood, which hath there bin cruelly & barbarously
shed, is enough to drown any man in eternall both infamy and misery,
whom God shall find the malicious Author or Instigator of its
effusion.

It fell out, as a most unhappy advantage to some mens malice against
me; that when they had impudence enough to lay any thing to my charge,
this bloody oppertunity should be offered them, with which I must be
aspersed. Although there was nothing which could be more abhorred
to me, being so ful of sin against God, disloyalty to myself, and
destructive to my Subjects.

Some men took it very ill not to be beleeved, when they affirmed, that
what the Irish Rebels did, was done with my privitie (at least) if not
by my Commission: But these knew too well, that it is no news for som
of my Subjects to fight not only without my Commission, but against my
Command, and Person too, yet all the while to pretend, they fight by
my Authoritie, and for my safety.

I would to God the _Irish_ had nothing to alledge for their imitation
against those whose blame must needs be the greater, by how much
Protestant Principles are more against all Rebellion against Princes,
then those of Papists. Nor wil the goodnes of mens intentions excuse
the scandall, and contagion of their examples.

But who ever fail of their Dutie toward me, I must bear the blame;
this honour my enemies have alwayes done me, to think moderate
injuries not proportionate to me, nor competent trials, either of my
patience under them, or my pardon of them.

Therefore with exquisite malice they have mixed the gall and vinegar
of falsity and contempt, with the cup of my Affliction; charging Me
not only with untruths, but such, as wherin I have the greatest share
of loss & dishonor by what is comitted; wherby, (in all policy, reason
and Religion, having least cause to give the least consent, and most
grounds of utter detestation) I might be represented by them to the
world, the more inhumane and barbarous: Like some Cyclopick monster,
whom nothing will serve to eat and drink, but the flesh and bloud of
my own Subjects; in whose common welfare my interest lies, as much as
some mens doth in their perturbations: who think they cannot do wel
but in evil times; nor so cunningly, as in laying the _odium_ of
those sad events on others, wherewith themselves are most pleased, and
whereof they have been not the least occasion.

And certainly, 'tis thought by many wise men, that the preposterous
rigour and unreasonable severity, which some men carried before them
in _England_, was not the least incentive, that kindled, and blew up
into those horrid flames, the sparks of discontent, which wanted not
pre-disposed fewel for Rebellion in _Ireland_; where dispair being
added to their former discontents, and the fear of utter extirpation
to their wonted oppressions, it was easie to provoke to an open
Rebellion a people prone enough to break out into all exorbitant
violence, both by some principles of their Religion, and the naturall
desires of liberty; both to exempt themselves from their present
restraints, and to prevent those after rigours, wherewith they saw
themselves apparantly threatned by the covetous zeal and uncharitable
fury of some men, who think it a great Argument of the truth of their
Religion, to endure no other but their own.

God knows, as I can with truth wash my hands in innocency, as to any
guilt in that Rebellion; so I might wash them in my tears, as to the
sad apprehensions I had to see it spread so far, and make such waste:
and this in a time when distractions and jealousies here in _England_
made most men rather intent to their own safety, or designes they were
driving, then to the relief of those who were every day inhumanely
butchered in Ireland: Whose tears and bloud might, if nothing else,
have quenched, or at least for a time, repressed and smothered those
sparks of Civill Dissentions and Jealousies which in England some men
most industriously scattered.

I would to God no man had been less affected with Irelands' sad estate
then my self; I offered to go my Self in person upon that Expedition:
But some men were either affraid I should have any one Kingdom
quieted; or loth they were to shoot at any mark here less then
my Self; or that any should have the glory of my destruction but
themselves. Had my many offers been accepted, I am confident, neither
the ruin had been so great, nor the calamity so long, nor the remedy
so desperate.

So that, next to the sin of those who began that Rebellion, theirs
must needs be, who either hindred the speedy suppressing of it by
Domestick Dissentions, or diverted the Aids, or exasperated the Rebels
to the most desperate resolutions and actions, by threatning all
extremities, not onely to the known Heads and chiefe incendiaries, but
even to the whole Community of that Nation; resolving to destroy Root
and Branch, men, women, and children; without any regard to those
usuall pleas for mercy which Conquerours, not wholly barbarous,
are wont to bear from their own brests, in behalf of those, whose
oppressive faces, rather then their malice, engaged them; or whose
imbecility for Sex and Age was such, as they could neither lift up a
hand against them, nor distinguish between their right hand and their
left: Which preposterous (and I think) un-Evangelicall zeal is too
like that of the rebuked Disciples, who would go no lower in their
revenge, then to call for fire from Heaven upon whole Cities, for the
repulse and neglect of a few; or like that of _Jacob_'s sons,
which the Father both blamed and cursed: chusing rather to use all
extreamities, which might drive men to desperate obstinacy, then to
apply moderate remedies; such as might punish some with exemplary
Justice, yet disarm others, with tenders of mercy upon their
submission, & our protection of them, from the fury of those, who
would soon drown them, if they refused to swim down the popular stream
with them.

But som kind of Zeal counts all merciful moderation, luke-warmness;
and had rather be cruel then counted cold, and is not seldom more
greedy to kill the Bear for his skin, then for any harm he hath done.
The confiscation of mens estates being more beneficiall, then the
charity of saving their lives, or reforming their Errors.

When all proportionable succors of the poor Protestants in _Ireland_
(who were daily massacred and over-born with numbers of now desperate
Enemies) was diverted and obstructed here; I was earnestly entreated,
& generally advised by the chief of the Protestant party there, to get
them some respite and breathing by a cessation, without which they saw
no probability (unless by miracle) to preserve the remnant that had
yet escaped: God knows with how much commiseration and solicitous
caution I carried on that business, by persons of Honor and Integrity,
that so I might neither incourage the Rebels Insolence, nor discourage
the Protestants Loyaltie and Patience.

Yet when this was effected in the best sort, that the necessity and
difficulty of affairs would then permit, I was then to suffer again in
my Reputation and Honor; because I suffered not the Rebels utterly to
devour the remaining handfuls of the Protestants there.

I thought that in all reason, the gaining of that respite could not be
so much to the Rebels advantages (which some have highly calumniated
against me) as it might have been for the Protestants future, as well
as present safety: If during the time of that Cessation, some men had
the grace to have laid _Ireland_'s sad condition more to heart; & laid
aside those violent motions, which were here carried on by those, that
had better skill to let blood then to stanch it.

But in all the misconstructions of my actions, (which are prone to
find more credulity in men to what is false, and evil, then love or
charity to what is true and good) as I have no Judge but God above
me, so I can have comfort to appeal to his omniscience, who doth not
therefore deny my Innocence, because he is pleased so far to try my
patience, as he did his servant _Job_'s.

I have enough to do to look to my own Conscience, and the faithfull
discharge of my Trust as a King: I have scarce leisure to consider
those swarms of reproches, which issue out of some mens mouths &
hearts, as easily as smoke, or sparks do out of a furnace: Much lesse
to make such prolix Apologies, as might give those men satisfaction:
who conscious to their own depth of wickednesse are loth to beleeve
any man not to be as bad as themselves.

'Tis Kingly to do well, and hear ill: If I can but act the one, I
shall not much regard to bear the other.

I thank God, I can hear with patience as bad as my worst enemies can
safly say. And I hope I shall still do better then they desire, or
deserve I should.

I beleeve it will at last appear, that they who first began to embroil
my other Kingdoms, are in great part guilty, if not of the first
letting out, yet of the not timely stopping those horrid effusions of
bloud in _Ireland_.

Which (whatever my Enemies please to say, or think) I look upon, as
that of my other kingdoms, exhausted out of my own veins: no man being
so much weakened by it as my Self: And I hope, though mens unsatiable
cruelties never wil, yet the Mercy of God will at length say to his
Justice, _It is enough_; and command the sword of Civil Wars to sheath
it self: his mercifull Justice intending, I trust, not our utter
confusion, but our cure: the abatement of our sins, not the desolation
of these Nations.

_O my God, let those infinite mercies prevent us once again, which I
and my Kingdoms have formerly abused, and can never deserve, should be
restored._

_Thou seest how much cruelty among Christians is acted under the
colour of Religion; as if we could not be Christians, unless we
crucifie one another._

_Because we have no more loved thy truth, and practised in charitie,
thou hast suffered a Spirit of Errour and bitterness, of mutuall and
mortall hatred to rise among us._

_O Lord, forgive wherein we have sinned, and sanctifie what we have
suffered._

_Let our repentance be our recovery, as our great sins have been our
ruine._

_Let not the miseries I and my Kingdoms have hitherto suffered seem
small to thee: but make our sins appear to our consciences, as
they are represented in the glass of thy Judgements; for thou never
punishest small failings, with so severe afflictions._

_O therefore, according to the multitude of thy great mercies, pardon
our sinnes, and remove thy judgments, which are very many, and very
heavy._

_Yet let our sins be ever more grievous to us, then thy judgments; and
make us more willing to repent, then to be relieved; first give us the
grace of penitent consciences, and then the tranquillitie of united
Kingdomes._

_In the Sea of our Saviours Blood drown our sins, and through this red
sea of our own Blood bring us at last to a state of Piety, Peace and
Plenty._

_As my publick relations to all, make me share in all my Subjects
suffering; so give me such a pious sense of them, as becoms a
Christian King, and a loving father of my people._

_Let the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon me, be as a
breath, more to kindle my compassion; Give me grace to heap charitable
coales of fire upon their heads to melt them, whose malice or cruel
zeal hath kindled, or hindred the quenching of those flames, which
hath so much wasted my three Kingdoms._

_O rescue and assist those poor Protestants in IRELAND, whom thou hast
hitherto preserved._

_And lead those in the ways of thy saving Truths, whose Ignorance or
Errors have filled them with rebellious and destructive Principles,
which they act under an opinion, That they do thee good service._

_Let the hand of thy justice be against those, who malitiously and
despightfully have raised or fomented these cruel and desperate Wars._

_Thou that art far from destroying the innocent with the guilty, & the
erroneous with the malicious; thou that hadst pitty on_ Niniveh _for
the many children that were therein, give not over the whole stock
of that populous and seduced Nation, to the wrath of those, whose
covetousness makes them cruel; nor to their anger, which is too
fierce, and therefore justly cursed._

_Preserve, if it be thy will, in the midst of the furnace of thy
severe justice, a Posterity which may praise thee for thy mercie._

_And deal with me, not according to mans unjust reproaches, but
according to the innocency of my Hands in thy sight._

_If I have desired or delighted in the wofull day of my Kingdoms
calamities, If I have not earnestly studied, and faithfully
endeavoured the preventing and composing of these bloody Distractions;
then let thy hand be against me and my Fathers House. O Lord thou
seest I have enemies enough of men; as I need not, so should I not
dare thus to imprecate thy curse on me and mine, if my Conscience did
not witnesse my integrity, which thou, O Lord, knowest right well. But
I trust not to my own merit, but thy mercies; spare us, O Lord, and be
not angry with us for ever._

_13. Upon the calling in of the_ SCOTS, _and their Comming._

The _Scots_ are a Nation, upon whom I have not onely common ties of
Nature, Soveraignty, and Bounty, with My Father of blessed memory; but
also speciall and late obligations of favours, having gratified the
active Spirits among them so far, that I seemed to many to prefer the
desires of that party, before My own interest and honor. But, I see,
Royall bountie emboldens some men to ask, and act beyond all bounds of
modesty and gratitude.

My charity, and Act of Pacification, forbids Me to reflect on former
passages, wherin I shal ever be far from letting any mans ingratitude,
or inconstancy, make me repent of what I granted them for the publique
good: I pray God it may so prove.

The coming again of that Party into _England_, with an Army only
to conforme this Church to their late New model, cannot but seem as
unreasonable, as they would have thought the same measure offered from
hence to themselves.

Other errand I could never understand, they had, (besides those common
and vulgar flourishes for Religion and Liberty) save only to confirme
the Presbyterian Copy they had set, by making this Church to write
after them, though it were in bloudy Characters.

Which design and end, whether it will justifie the use of such violent
means, before the divine Justice, I leave to their Consciences to
judge, who have already felt the misery of the means, but not reaped
the benefit of the end, either in this Kingdom, or that.

Such knots and crosseness of grain being objected here, as will hardly
suffer that form which they cry up, as the only just reformation, and
settling of Government and Discipline in Churches to go on so smoothly
here, as it might do in _Scotland_; and was by them imagined would
have done in _England_, when so many of the _English_ Clergy, through
levity, or discontent, if no worse passion, suddenly quitted their
former engagements to Episcopacy, and faced about to their Presbytery.

It cannot but seem either passion, or some self-seeking, more then
true Zeal, and pious discretion, for any forraign State or Church to
prescribe such medicins only for others, which themselves have used,
rather successefully then commendably; not considering that the same
Physick on different constitutions, will have different operations:
That may kill one, which doth but cure another.

Nor do I know any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution
of the _English_ Church, which gentler applications then those of an
Army, might not easily have removed: Nor is it so proper to hew out
Religious Reformations by the sword, as to polish them by fair & equal
disputations among those that are most concerned in the differences,
whom not force, but reason ought to convince.

But their design now seemed rather to cut off all disputation here,
then to procure a fair and equal one: For it was concluded there, That
the _English_ Clergy must conform to the _Scots_ pattern before ever
they could be heard, what they could say for themselves, or against
the others way.

I could have wished fairer proceedings both for their credits, who
urge things with such violence; and for other mens Consciences
too; who can receive litle satisfaction in these points which are
maintained rather by Souldiers fighting in the Field, then Scholars
disputing in free and learned Synods.

Sure in matters of Religion those truths gain most on mens Judgments
and Consciences, which are least urged with secular violence, which
weakens truth with prejudices; and is unreasonable to be used, till
such means of rational conviction hath been applied, as leaving no
excuse for ignorance, condemns mens obstinacy to deserved penalties.

Which no charity will easily suspect of so many learned and pious
Church-men in _England_; who being alwaies bred up, and conformable
to the Government of Episcopacy, cannot so soon renounce both their
former opinion & practice, only because that Party of the _Scots_
will needs, by force assist a like Party here, either to drive all
Ministers as sheep, into the common fold of Presbyterie, or destroy
them; at least fleece them, by depriving them of the benefit of their
Flocks. If the _Scotch_ sole Presbyterie were approved to be the
only Institution of Jesus Christ, for all Churches Government; yet I
beleeve it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those _Scots_,
or any other of my Subjects, Comission by the Sword, to set it up in
any of my Kingdomes, without my consent.

What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles payd to the chief
governors of States, where they lived, is very cleer in the Gospel:
but that he, or they ever commanded to set up such a parity of
Presbyters, and in such a way as those _Scots_ endeavour, I think is
not very disputable.

If Presbyterie in such a Supremacy be an institution of Christ,
sure it differs from all others: and is the first and only point
of Christianity, that was to be planted and watered with so much
Christian bloud; whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that
of the Primitive planters, both of Christianity and Episcopacy, which
was with patient shedding of their own bloud, not violently drawing
other mens: sure there is too much of Man in it, to have much of
Christ; none of whose institutions were carried on, or begun with
the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition, of both which this is
vehemently suspected.

Yet was there never any thing upon the point which those _Scots_ had
by an Army or Commissioners to move Me with, by their many Solemn
obtestations, and pious threatnings, but only this, to represent to me
the wonderful necessity of setting up their Presbytery in _England_,
to avoid the further miseries of a War, which some men chiefly on
this design at first had begun, & now further engaged themselves to
continue.

What hinders that any Sects, Schisms, or Heresies, if they can get but
numbers, strength and opportunity, may not, according to this opinion
and pattern, set up their wayes by the like methods of violence?
all which Presbitery seeks to suppresse, & render odious under those
names: when wise & learned men think, that nothing hath more marks
of Schism, and Sectarism, then this Presbyterian way, both as to the
Ancient, and still most Universal way of the Church-government,
and especially as to the particular Laws and Constitutions of this
_English_ Church, which are not yet repealed, nor are like to be for
me, till I see more Rational and Religious motives, then Souldiers use
to carry in their Knapsacks.

But we must leave the successe of all to God, who hath many wayes
(having first taken us off from the folly of our opinions, and fury
of our passion) to teach us those rules of true Reason, and peaceable
Wisdom, which is from above, tending most to Gods glory, and his
Churches good: which I think my self so much the more bound in
Conscience to attend, with the most judicious zeal and care, by how
much I esteem the Church above the State, the glory of Christ above
mine Own: and the Salvation of mens Souls above the preservation of
their Bodies and Estates.

Nor may any men, I think, without sin and presumption, forcibly
endeavour to cast the Churches under my care and tuition, into the
moulds they have fancied, & fashioned to their designs, till they have
first gained my consent, and resolved, both mine own and other mens
Consciences by the strength of their Reasons.

Other violent motions, w^{ch} are neither Manly, Christian, nor Loyal,
shall never either shake or settle my Religion, nor any mans else who
knows what Religion means: And how far it is removed from all Faction,
whose proper engine is force, the arbitrator of beasts, not of
reasonable men, much lesse of humble Christians, and loyal Subjects,
in matters of Religion.

But men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves, that they
care not what cost they lay out upon their opinions: especially those
that have some temptation of gain, to recompence their losses and
hazards.

Yet I was not more scandalized at the _Scots_ Armies coming in against
my will, and their forfeiture of so many obligations of duty, and
gratitude to me: then I wondred how those here, could so much distrust
Gods assistance, who so much pretended Gods cause to the people, as
if they had the certainty of some divine Revelation; considering
they were more then competently furnished with my Subjects Arms and
Ammunition, my Navie by Sea, my Forts, Castles and Cities by Land.

But I finde that men jealous of the Justificableness of their doings,
and designs before God, never thinke they have humane strength enough
to carry their work on, seem it never so plausible to the people; what
cannot be justified in Law and Religion, had need to be fortified with
power.

And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in
violent motion, that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to
come in to their assistance; others of them soon after are weary of,
and with nauseating cast them out: what one party thought to rivet
to a setlednes by the strength and influence of the _Scots_, that the
other rejects and contemns; at once, despising the Kirk-government,
& discipline of the _Scots_, and frustrating the successe of so
chargeable, more then charitable assistance: For, sure the Church
of _England_ might have purchased at a far cheaper rate, the Truth
& happines of Reformed Government and Discipline (if it had been
wanting) though it had entertained the best Divines of Christendom for
their advice in a ful & free Synod; which, I was ever willing to,
and desirous of, that matters being impartially setled, might be more
satisfactory to all, and more durable.

But much of Gods justice, & mans folly will at length be discovered,
through all the filmes and pretentions of Religion, in which
Polititians wrap up their designes: in vaine do men hope to build
their Piety on the Ruines of loyalty. Nor can those considerations or
designes be durable, when Subjects make bankrupt of their Allegiance,
under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for Religion.

But, as my best Subjects of _Scotland_ never deserted me, so I cannot
think that the most are gone so far from me, in a prodigality of
their love and respects towards me, as to make me to despair of their
return; when besides the bonds of Nature and Conscience which they
have to me, all Reason and true Policy will teach them, That their
chiefest interest consists in their fidelity to the Crown, not in
their serviceableness to any Party of the People, to a neglect and
betraying of my Safety and Honor for their own advantages: However the
lesse cause I have to trust to men, the more I shall apply my Self to
God.

_The Troubles of my Soul are enlarged, O Lord, bring thou me out of my
distresse._

_Lord direct thy Servant in the ways of that pious simplicity, which
is the best policie._

_Deliver me from the combined strength of those, who have so much of
the Serpents subtilty, that they forget the Doves Innocency._

_Though hand joyn in hand, yet let them not prevail against my Soul,
to the betraying of my Conscience and Honour._

_Thou, O Lord, canst turn the hearts of those Parties in both Nations,
as thou didst the men of_ Judah _and ISRAEL, to restore_ David _with
as much loyal zeal, as they did with inconstancy and eagernesse pursue
him._

_Preserve the love of thy truth and uprightness in me, and I shall not
despair of My Subjects affections returning towards me._

_Thou canst soon cause the overflowing Seas to ebbe, and retire back
again to the bounds which thou hast appointed for them._

_O My God, I trust in thee; let me not be ashamed; let not my enemies
triumph over me._

_Let them be ashamed who transgress without a cause; let them be
turned back that persecute my soul._

_Let integrity and uprightness preserve me, for I wait on thee O
Lord._

_Redeem thy Church, O God, out of all its Troubles._

_14. Upon the Covenant._

The _Presbyterian Scots_ are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of
Auxiliaries; nothing will induce them to engage, till those that
call them in, have pawned their Souls to them, by a Solemn League and
Covenant.

Where many engines of religious and fair pretensions are brought
chiefly to batter or rase Episcopacy: This they make the grand evil
Spirit, which with other Imps purposely added, to make it more odious,
& terrible to the Vulgar, must by so solemn a charm & exorcism be cast
out of this Church, after more then a thousand years possession here,
from the first plantation of Christianity in this Island, and an
universal prescription of time and practice in all other Churches
since the Apostles times till this last Century.

But no Antiquity must plead for it; Presbytery like a young Heir,
thinks the Father hath lived long enough, & impatient not to be in the
Bishops chair and authority (though Lay-men go away with the Revenus)
all art is used to sink Episcopacy, and lanch Presbytery in _England_;
which was lately boyed up in _Scotland_ by the late artifice of a
Covenant.

Although I am unsatisfied with many passages in that Covenant some
referring to my self with very dubious and dangerous limitations (yet
I chiefly wonder at the design and drift touching the Discipline and
Government of the Church); and such a manner of carrying them on to new
ways, by Oaths and Covenants, where it is hard for men to be engaged
by no less, then swearing for, or against those things, which are of
no clear morall necessity, but very disputable, and controverted among
learned and godly men: whereto the application of Oaths can hardly be
made and enjoyned with that judgment and certainty in ones self, or
that charity or candour to others of different opinion, as I think
religion requires, which never refuses fair and equable deliberations;
yea, and dissentings too, in matters only probable.

The enjoyning of Oaths upon People must needs in things doubtfull be
dangerous, as in things unlawfull, damnable; and no lesse superfluous,
where former Religious and Legal Engagements, bound men sufficiently,
to all necessary duties. Nor can I see how they will reconcile such an
Innovating Oath and Covenant, with their former Protestation which was
so lately taken, to maintain the Religion established in the Church of
_England_; since they count Discipline so great a part of Religion.

But ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and ginnes
enough to catch and hold the vulgar credulity: for by such politicke
and seemingly pious stratagems, they think to keep the popularity fast
to their Parties under the terrour of perjury: Whereas certainly all
honest and wise men ever thought themselves sufficiently bound by
former ties of Religion, Allegiance, and lawes, to God and man.

Nor can such after-contracts, devised and imposed by a few men in
a declared Party, without my consent, and without any like power or
president from Gods or mans laws, be ever thought by judicious men
sufficient either to obsolve or slacked those moral and eternall bonds
of duty which lie upon all My Subjects consciences both to God and me.

Yet as things now stand, good men shall least offend God or Me, by
keeping their Covenant in honest and lawfull wayes; since I have the
charity to think, that the chief end of the Covenant in such mens
intentions, was, to preserve Religion in purity, and the Kingdoms in
peace: To other then such ends and meanes they cannot think themselves
engaged; nor will those, that have any true touches of Conscience
endeavour to carry on the best designes, (much lesse such as are, and
will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious) by any unlawfull
means, under that title of the Covenant: unlesse they dare preferre
ambiguous, dangerous and un-authorized novelties, before their known
and sworn duties, which are indespensable, both to God and my self.

I am prone to beleeve and hope, That many who took the Covenant, are
yet firme to this judgment, That such latter Vowes, Oaths, or Leagues,
can never blot out those former gravings, and characters, which by
just and lawfull Oaths were made upon their Souls.

That which makes such Confederations by way of Solemn Leagues and
Covenants more to be suspected, is, That they are the common road,
used in all factious and powerfull perturbations of State or Church:
when formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more
studied and elaborate, then, when Polititians most agitate desperate
designes against all that is setled, or sacred in Religion, and Laws,
which by such scrues are cunningly, yet forcibly wrested by secret
steps, and lesse sencible degrees, from their known rule and wonted
practise, and comply with the humours of those men, who ayme to
subdue all to their own will and power, under the disguises of Holy
Combinations.

Which cords and wythes will hold mens Consciences no longer, then
force attends and twists them: for every man soon grows his own Pope,
and easily absolves himself of those ties, which, not the commands of
Gods Word, or the Laws of the Land, but only the subtilty and terrour
of a Party casts upon him; either superfluous and vain, when they
were sufficiently tied before; or fraudulent and injurious, if by such
afterligaments they find the Imposers really ayming to dissolve, or
suspend their former just and necessary obligations.

Indeed such illegall ways seldom or never intend the engaging men more
to duties, but only to Parties; therefore it is not regarded how they
keep their Covenants in point of piety pretended, provided they adhere
firmly to the Party and Design intended.

I see the Imposers of it are content to make their Covenant like Manna
(not that it came from Heaven, as this did) agreeable to every mans
palate and rellish, who will but swallow it: They admit any mens
senses of it, the divers or contrary; with any salvoes, cautions and
reservations, so as they cross not their chief Design, which is laid
against the Church and me.

It is enough if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to
their Party; so little do men remember that God is not mocked.

In such latitudes of sense, _I_ beleive many that love Me, and the
Church well, may have taken the Covenant, who yet are not so fondly
and superstitiously taken by it, as now to act cleerly against both
all piety & loyalty: who first yeelded to it, more to prevent that
imminent violence and ruine, which hung over their heads in case they
wholly refused it, then for any value of it, or devotion to it.

Wherein, the latitude of some generall Clauses may (perhaps) serve
somewhat to relieve them, as of _Doing and endeavouring what lawfully
they may, in their Places and Callings_, and _according to the Word
of God_: for these (indeed) carry no man beyond those bounds of good
Conscience, which are certain & fixed either in Gods Laws, as to the
Generall; or the Laws of the State and Kingdom, as to the particular
regulation and exercise of mens duties.

I would to God such as glory most in the name of _Covenanters_, would
keep themselves within those lawfull bounds, to which God hath called
them: surely it were the best way to expiate the rashnesse of taking
it; which must needs then appear, when besides the want of a full and
lawfull Authority at first to enjoyn it, it shall actually be carried
on beyond and against those ends which were in it specified and
pretended. I willingly forgive such mens taking the Covenant, who keep
it within such bounds of Piety, Law, and Loyaltie, as can never hurt
either the Church, My self, or the Publick Peace: Against which, no
mans lawfull Calling can engage him.

As for that Reformation of the Church which the Covenant pretends, I
cannot think it just or comely, that by the partiall advice of a
few Divines, (of so soft and servile tempers, as disposed them to so
sudden acting and compliance, contrary to their former judgements,
profession, and practise) such foule scandalls and suspitions should
be cast upon the Doctrine and Government of the Church of _England_,
as was never done (that I have heard) by any that deserved the name of
_Reformed Churches_ abroad, nor by any men of learning and candour at
home: all whose judgments _I_ cannot but prefer before any mens now
factiously engaged.

No man can be more forward then My self to carry on all due
Reformations, which mature judgment, and a good Conscience, in what
things I shall (after impartiall advise) be, by Gods Word, and right
reason, convinced to be amiss, I have offered more than ever the
fullest, freest, and wisest Parliaments did desire.

But the sequele of some mens actions makes it evident, that the maine
information intended, is the abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery,
and the robbing of the Church of its Lands and Revenues: For, no men
have been more injuriously used, as to their legall Rights then
the Bishops, and Church-men. These, as the fattest Dear, must be
destroyed; the other Rascal herd of Schismes, Heresies, &c. being
leane, may enjoy the benefit of a Toleration: Thus _Naboth_'s
Vine-yard made him the onely Blasphemer of his City, and fit to die.
Still I see: while the breath of Religion fills the Sailes, Profit
is the compasse, by which Factious men steer their course in all
seditious Commotions.

I thank God, as no man lay more open to the sacrilegious temptation of
usurping the Churches Lands, and Revenues, (which issuing chiefly from
the Crown, are held of it, and legally can revert onely to the Crowne
with my Consent) so I have alwayes had such a perfect abhorrence of
it in my Soule, that I never found the least inclination to such
sacrilegious Reformings: yet no man hath a greater desire to have
Bishops and all Church-men, so reformed, that they may best deserve
and use, not onely what the pious munificence of My Predecessours
hath given to God and the Church, but all other additions of Christian
bounty.

But no necessity shall ever, I hope, drive me or Mine to invade
or sell the Priests Lands, which both _Pharaoh's_ divinity, and
_Joseph's_ true piety abhorred to do: So unjust I think it both in the
eye of Reason and Religion, to deprive the most sacred employment of
all due incouragements; and like that other hard-hearted _Pharaoh_, to
withdraw the Straw, and encrease the Task; so pursuing the oppressed
Church as some have done, to the red Sea of a Civill War, where
nothing but a miracle can save either it, or him, who esteems it
his greatest Title to be called, and his chiefest glory to be
_The defender of the Church, both in its true faith, and its just
fruitions; equally abhoring Sacriledge and Apostacy_.

I had rather live as my Predecessour _Henry_ the 3. sometime did, on
the Churches alms, then violently to take the bread out of Bishops and
Ministers mouths.

The next work will be _Jeroboam's_ reformation, consecrating the
meanest of the people to be Priests in _Israel_, to serve those Golden
_Calves_ who have enrich'd themselves with the Churches Patrimony and
Dowry; which how it thrived both with Prince, Priests and people, is
well enough known: And so it will be here, when from the tuition of
Kings and Queens, which have been nursing fathers and mothers of this
Church, it will be at their allowance, who have already discovered,
what hard fathers and step-mothers they will be.

If the poverty of _Scotland_ might, yet the plenty of _England_ cannot
excuse the envy and rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues.

I cannot so much as pray God to prevent those sad consequences, which
will inevitably follow the parity and poverty of Ministers, both
in Church and State; since I think it no lesse then a mocking and
tempting of God, to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose
occasions and remedies are in our own power; it being every mans sin
not to avoid the one, and not to use the other.

There are ways enough to repair the breaches of the State without the
ruins of the Church; as I would be a restorer of the one, so I would
not be an oppressor of the other under the pretence of publick Debts:
The occasions contracting them were bad enough, but such a discharging
of them would be much worse; I pray God neither I, nor mine, may be
accessary to either.

_To thee, O Lord, do I addresse my Prayer, beseeching thee to pardon
the rashness of my Subjects Swearings, and to quicken their sense and
observation of those just, morall and indispensable bonds, which thy
word and the Laws of this Kingdom have laid upon their Consciences;
From which no pretensions of Piety & reformation are sufficient to
absolve them; or to engage them to any contrary practises._

_Make them at length seriously to consider that nothing violent and
injurious can be religious._

_Thou allowest no mans committing Sacriledge under the zeal of
abhorring Idols._

_Suffer not sacrilegious designs to have the countenance of religious
ties._

_Thou hast taught us by the wisest of Kings, that it is a snare to
take things that are holy, and Vows to mak enquiry._

_Ever keep thy Servant from consenting to perjurious and sacraligeous
rapinei, that I may not have the brand and curse to all posterity of
robing Thee and thy Church, of what thy bounty hath given us, and thy
clemencie hath accepted from us, wherewith to encourage Learning and
Religion._

_Though My Treasures are Exhausted, My Revenues Diminished, and My
Debts Encreased, yet never suffer Me to be tempted to use such profane
Reparation; lest a coal from thine Altar set such a fire on My Throne
and Conscience as will hardly be quenched._

_Let not the Debts and Engagements of the Publique, which some mens
folly and prodigalitie hath contracted, be an occasion to impoverish
thy Church._

_The State may soon recover, by thy blessing of peace upon us; The
Church is never likely, in times, where the Charity of most men is
grown so cold, and their Religion so illiberall._

_Continue to those that serve Thee and thy Church all those
encouragements, which by the will of the pious Donours, and the
justice of the Laws are due unto them; and give them grace to deserve
and use them aright to thy glory, & the relief of the poor: That
shy Priests may be cloathed with righteousnesse, and the poor may be
satisfed with bread._

_Let not holy things be given to Swine; nor the Churches bread to
Dogs; rather let them go about the City, grin like a Dog, and grudge
that they are not satisfied._

_Let those sacred morsels, which some men have already by violence
devoured, never digest with them, nor theirs; Let them be as_ Naboth's
_Vineyard to_ Ahab, _gall in their mouths, rottennesse to their names,
a moth to their families, and a sting to their Consciences._

_Break in sunder O Lord, all violent and sacrilegious Confederations
to do wickedly and injuriously._

_Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed together against the
Church and State, that the folly of such may be manifest to all men,
and proceed no further._

_But so savour My righteous dealing, O Lord, that in the mercies of
thee, the most High, I may never miscarry._

15. _Vpon the many Jealousies raised, and Scandals cast upon the_
KING, _to stirre up the People against him._

If _I_ had not My own Innocency, and Gods protection, it were hard
for Me to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of malice,
which by falsities seek to oppresse the Truth; and by Jealousies to
supply the defect of reall causes, which might seem to justifie so
unjust ingagements against Me.

And indeed, the worst effects of open hostility come short of these
designes: For, _I_ can more willingly lose My Crownes, then My credit;
nor are My Kingdomes so dear to Me, as My Reputation and Honor.

Those must have a period with my life; but these may survive to a
glorious kind of Immortality, when I am dead and gone: A good name
being the imbalming of Princes, and a sweet consecrating of them to an
Eternity of love and gratitude among Posterity.

Those foul and false aspersions were secret engines at first employed
against My peoples love to Me: that undermining their opinion and
value of Me, My enemies, and theirs too might at one blow up their
affections, and batter down their loyalty.

Wherein yet, I thank God, the detriment of My Honor is not so
afflictive to Me, as the sin and danger of My peoples souls, whose
eyes once blinded with such mists of suspicions, they are soon misled
into the most desperate precipices of actions: wherein they do not
only, not consider their sin and danger, but glory in their zealous
adventures; while I am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed, that
many are ambitious to merit the name of My Destroyers; Imagining they
then fear God most, when they least honor their King.

I thank God, I never found but My pity was above My anger; nor have
My passions ever so prevailed against me, as to exclude My most
compassionate prayers for them, whom devout errours more then their
own malice have betrayed to a most religious Rebellion.

I had the Charity to interpret, that most part of My Subjects fought
against My supposed Errours, not My person; and intended to mend Me,
not to end Me: And _I_ hope that God pardoning their Errours, hath
so farre accepted and answered their good intentions, as he hath yet
preserved Me, so he hath by these afflictions prepared me, both to do
him better service, and My people more good then hitherto I have done.

I do not more willingly forgive their seductions, which occasioned
their loyall injuries, then I am ambitious by all Princely merits to
redeem them from their unjust suspicions, and reward them for their
good intentions.

I am too conscious to My own affections toward the generality of my
people to suspect theirs to Me; nor shall the malice of My Enemies
ever be able to deprive Me of the comfort which that confidence
gives Me; I shall never gratifie the spightfulnesse of a few with
any sinister thoughts of all their Allegiance, whom pious frauds have
seduced.

The worst some mens ambition can do, shall never perswade Me, to make
so bad interpretations of most of My Subjects actions; who possibly
may be erroneous, but not Hereticall in point of Loyalty.

The sence of the injuries done to My Subjects is as sharp, as those
done to My Self; our welfares being inseparable; in this only they
suffer more then My self, that they are animated by some seducers to
injure at once both themselves and Me.

For this it is not enough to the malice of My Enemies, that I
be afflicted; but it must be done by such instruments, that My
afflictions grieve Me not more, then this doth, that I am afflicted
by those, whose prosperity I earnestly desire, and whose seduction I
heartily deplore.

If they had been my open and forraign Enemies, I could have born it;
but they must be My own Subjects, who are next to My Children dear to
me: And for the restoring of some tranquillity, I could willingly
be the _Jonah_, if I did not evidently fore-see, that by the divided
interests of their and Mine Enemies, as by contrary winds, the storm
of their miseries would be rather increased then allayed.

I had rather prevent my peoples ruin then rule over them; nor am I
so ambitious of that Dominion which is but My Right, as of their
happiness; If it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining
it, by the highest injuries of subjects committed against their
Soveraign.

Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of life, and die many deaths,
then shamefully to desert, or dishonourable to betray My own just
Rights and Soveraignty; thereby to gratifie the ambition, or justifie
the malice of my enemies; between whose malice, and other mens
mistakes, I put as great a difference, as between an ordinary Ague and
the Plague; or the Itch of Novelty, and the Leprosie of Disloyalty.

As Liars need have good memories, so malicious persons need good
inventions; that their calumnies may fit every mans fancy; and what
their reproaches want of truth, they may make up with numbers and
shew.

My patience (I thank God) wil better serve Me to bear, and My charity
to forgive, then My leisure to answer the many false Aspersions which
some men have cast upon Me.

Did I not more consider My Subjects Satisfaction, then my owne
Vindication, I should never have given the malice of some men that
pleasure, as to see me take notice of, or remember what they say, or
object.

I would leave the Authors to be punished by their own evill manners,
and seared Consciences, which will, I believe, in a shorter time then
they be aware of, both confute and revenge all those black and false
Scandals which they have cast on me; And make the world see, there is
as little truth in them, as there was little worth in the broaching of
them, or Civility, (I need not say Loyalty) in the not suppressing
of them; whose credit and reputation, even with the people, shall ere
long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of popular
obloquy, and detraction, which they have studied to heat and inflame
to the highest degree of infamy, and wherein they have sought to cast
and consume My Name and Honor.

First, nothing gave me more cause to suspect, and search mine own
innocencie, then when I observed so many forward to engage against
me, who had made great professions of singular piety; For this gave
to Vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon me and my Cause, as if it
had been impossible to adhere to me, and not withall part from God;
to think or speak well of me, and not to blaspheme him; so many were
perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent, to be at once
Loyall to Me, and truly Religious toward God.

Not but that I had (I thank God) many with me, which were both
learned and Religious, (much above that ordinary size, and that Vulgar
proportion wherein some men glory so much) who were so well satisfied
in the cause of my sufferings, that they chose rather to suffer with
me, then forsake me.

Nor is it strange, that so religious Pretensions as were used against
me, should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose me;
especially, being urged by such popular Preachers as think it no sin
to lie for God, and what they please to call Gods Cause, cursing all
that will not curse with them; looking so much at, and crying up the
goodnesse of the end propounded, that they consider not the lawfulness
of the means used nor the depth of the mischief, chiefly plotted and
intended.

The weakness of these mens judgments must be made up by their clamours
and activity.

It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize me and mine;
they thought theirs could not be true, if they cried not down Mine as
false.

I thank God, I have had more triall of his grace, as to the constancy
of my Religion in the Protestant profession of the Church of
_England_, both abroad, and at home, then ever they are like to have.

Nor do _I_ know any exception I am so liable to, in their opinion,
as too great a fixedness in that Religion, whose judicious and
solid grounds, both from Scripture, and Antiquity, will not give my
conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and
divided innovations, which the bold ignorance of some men would needs
obtrude upon me, and my people.

Contrary to those well tried foundations both of Truth, and Order,
which men of far greater Learning, and clearer Zeal, have settled in
the Confession and Constitution of this Church in _England_, which
many former Parliaments in the most calm, and unpassionate times,
have oft confirmed; In which I shall ever, by Gods help, persevere, as
beleeving it hath most of primitive Truth and Order.

Nor did my using the assistance of some Papists, which were my
Subjects, any way fight against my Religion, some men would needs
interpret it: especially those who least of all men cared whom they
imployed, or what they said and did, so they might prevail.

'Tis strange that so wise men, as they would be esteemed, should not
conceive, That differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may
easily fall out, where there is the samenesse of duty, Allegeance
and subjection: The first they owe as men and Christians to God; the
second they owe to me in common, as their KING: different professions
in point of Religion cannot (any more then in civill Trades) take away
the community of relations either to Parents, or to Princes. And where
is there such an _Oglio_ or medly of various Religions in the world
again, as those men entertain in their service (who finde most fault
with me) without any scruple, as to the diversity of their Sects and
Opinions!

It was, indeed, a foul and indeleable shame, for such as would be
counted Protestants, to inforce Me, a declared Protestant, their Lord
and King, to a necessary use of Papists, or any other, who did but
their duty to help Me to defend my self.

Nor did I more then is lawful for any King, in such exigents to use
the aid of any his Subjects.

I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegeance
then many Protestant Professors; who seem to have learned, and to
practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists.

Indeed, it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in
me, (and very pleading, no doubt to my Enemies) to have been then
disputing the points of different beliefs in my Subjects, when I
was disputed with by Swords points: and when I needed the help of my
Subjects as men, no lesse then their prayers as Christians.

The noise of my evill Counsellours was another usefull device for
those, who were impatient any mens counsels but their own should be
followed in Church or State; who were so eager in giving me better
counsel, that they would not give me leave to take it with freedom, as
a Man; or honour, as a King; making their Counsels more like a drench,
that must be powred down, then a draught, which might be fairly and
leisurely drank, if I liked it.

I will not justifie beyond humane errour and frailties my Self, or my
Counsellours: They might be subject to some miscarriages, yet such
as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts, then those
enormous extravagances wherewith some men have now even wildred, and
almost quite lost both Church and State.

The event of things at last will make it evident to my Subjects, that
had I followed the worst Counsels that my worst Counsellours ever had
the boldnesse to offer to me, or my Self any inclination to use;
I could not so soon have brought both Church and State in three
flourishing Kingdoms, to such a _Chaos_ of confusion, and hell of
miseries as some have done; out of which they cannot, or will not,
in the midst of their many great advantages, redeem either Me, or my
Subjects.

No men were more willing to complain, then I was to redresse what I
saw in reason was either done or advised amisse: and this I thought I
had done, even beyond the expectation of moderate men: who were sorry
to see me prone even to injure my Self, out of a zeal to relieve my
Subjects.

But other mens insatiable desire of revenge upon Me, my Court, and my
Clergie, hath wholly beguiled both Church and State of the benefit of
all my either Retractations or Concessions; and withall, hath deprived
all those (now so zealous Persecutors) both of the comfort and reward
of their former pretended Persecutions, wherein they so much gloryed
among the Vulgar; and which, indeed a truly humbly Christian will so
highly prize, as rather not be relieved, then be revenged, so as to be
bereaved of that Crown of Christian patience, which attends humble and
injured sufferers.

Another artifice used to withdraw my peoples affections from me to
their designes, was, the noise and ostentation of Liberty, which men
are not more prone to desire, then unapt to bear in the popular sense;
which is to doe what every man liketh best.

If the divinest Liberty be to will what men should, and to do what
they so will, according to Reason, Laws and Religion; I envie not my
Subjects that liberty, which is all I desire to enjoy my self; So far
am I from the desire of oppressing theirs. Now were those Lords and
Gentlemen which assisted me, so prodigal of their Liberties, as with
their Lives and Fortunes to help on the enslaving of themselves and
their Posterities?

As to Civil Immunities, none but such as desire to drive on their
ambitious and covetous Designes over the ruines of Church and State,
Prince, Peers, and People, will ever desire greater Freedoms than the
Laws allow; whose bounds good men count their Ornament and Protection;
others their Manacles and Oppression.

Nor is it just any man should expect the reward and benefit of the
Law, who despiseth his rule and direction, losing justly his Safety,
while he seeks an unreasonable Libertie.

Time will best inform my Subjects, that those are the best
preservers of their true Liberties, who allow themselves the least
licentiousnesse against or beyond the Laws.

They will feel it at last to their cost, that it is impossible those
men should be really tender of their fellow-subjects liberties, who
have the hardinesse to use their King with so severe restraints,
against all Laws, both Divine and Humane; under which yet I wil rather
perish, then complain to those, who want nothing to compleat their
mirth and triumph, but such musick.

In point of true conscientious tendernesse (attended with humility and
meeknesse, not with proud and arrogant activity, which seeks to hatch
every egg of different opinion to a Faction or Schism) I have oft
declared, how little I desire my Laws and Scepter should intrench on
Gods Soveraignty, which is the onely King of mens Consciences; and yet
he hath laid such restraints upon men, as commands them to be
subject for conscience sake, giving no men liberty to break the Law
established, further then with meeknesse and patience they are content
to suffer the penalty annexed, rather then perturb the publick Peace.

The truth is, some mens thirst after Novelties, others despair to
relieve the necessities of their Fortunes, or satisfie their Ambition
in peaceable times, (distrusting Gods providence, as well as their own
merits) were the secret (but principal) impulsives to these popular
Commotions, by which Subjects have been perswaded to expend much of
those plentifull Estates they got, and enjoyed under my Government
in peaceable times; which yet must now be blasted with all the odious
reproaches which impotent malice can invent; and my Self exposed to
all those contempts, which may most diminish the Majesty of a King,
and increase the ingratefull insolencies of my People.

For mine Honour, I am well assured, that as mine Innocency is clear
before God, in point of any calumnies they object; so my Reputation
shall like the Sun (after Owls and Bats have had their freedom in the
night and darker times) rise and recover it self to such a degree
of splendour, as those ferall Birds shall be grieved to behold, and
unable to bear. For never were any Princes more glorious, then those
whom God hath suffered to be tried in the fournace of afflictions, by
their injurious Subjects.

And who knows but the just and mercifull God will do me good, for some
mens hard, false, and evill speeches against Me; wherein they speak
rather what they wish, then what they beleeve, or know.

Nor can I suffer so much in point of Honour, by those rude and
scandalous Pamphlets (which like fire in great conflagrations, fly
up and down to set all places on like flames) as those men do, who
pretending to so much piety, are so forgetfull of their duty to God
and Me: By no way ever vindicating the Majesty of their KING against
any of those, who contrary to the precept of God, and precedent
of Angels, _speak evil of dignities, and bring railing accusations
against those_ who are honoured with the name of _Gods_.

But 'tis no wonder if men not fearing God, should not honour their
KING.

They will easily contemn such shadows of God, who reverence not that
Supreme and adorable Majestie, in comparison of whom all the glory of
Men and Angels is but obscurity; yet hath he graven such Characters of
divine Authority, and sacred Power upon Kings, as none may without sin
seek to blot them out. Nor shall their black veils be able to hide the
shining of my face, while God gives me an heart frequently and humbly
to converse with him, from whom alone are all the traditions of true
glory and majestie.

_Thou, O Lord, knowest my reproach, and my dishonour; my adversaries
are all before thee._

_My soul is among Lions, among them that are set on fire, even the
sons of men; whose teeth are spears and arrows, their tongue a sharp
sword._

_Mine enemies reproach me all the day long, and those that are mad
against me, are sworn together._

_O my God, how long shall the sons of men turn my glory into shame?
how long shall they love vanity, and seek after lies?_

_Thou hast heard the reproaches of wicked men on every side. Hold not
thy peace, lest my Enemies prevail against me, and lay mine honour in
the dust._

_Thou, O Lord, shalt destroy them that speak lies; the Lord will abhor
both the blood-thirsty and deceitfull men._

_Make my righteousnesse to appear as the light, and mine innocencie to
shine forth as the Sun at noon-day._

_Suffer not my silence to betray mine innocence, nor my displeasure,
my patience; That after my Saviours example, being reviled, I may not
revile again; and being cursed by them, I may bless them._

_Thou that wouldst not suffer_ Shimei's _tongue to go unpunished; when
by thy judgements on_ David _he might seem to justifie his disdainfull
reproaches, give me grace to intercede with thy mercy for these my
enemies, that the reward of false and lying tongues, even hot burning
coales of eternall fire, may not be brought upon them._

_Let my prayers, and patience, be as water to coole and quench their
tongues, who are already set on fire with the fire of Hell, and
tormented with those malitious flames._

_Let me be happy to refute, and put to silence their evill speaking by
well-doing; and let them enjoy not the fruit of their lips, but of my
prayer for their repentance, and thy pardon._

_Teach me_ Davids _patience and_ Hezekiah's _devotion, that I may look
to thy mercy through mans malice and see thy justice in their sin._

_Let_ Sheba's _seditious speeches_, Rabshekah's _railing, and_
Shimei's _cursing, provoke, as my humble prayer to thee, so thy renued
blessing towards me._

_Though they curse, do thou bless, and I shall be blessed; and made a
blessing to my people._

_That the stone, which some builders refuse, may become the head-stone
of the corner._

_Look down from heaven, and save me, from the reproach of them that
would swallow me up._

_Hide me in the secret of thy presence, from the pride of man, and
keep me from the strife of tongues._

16. _Upon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer Book._

It is no newes to have all Innovations ushered in with the name
of Reformations in Church and State, by those, who seeking to gain
reputation with the Vulgar for their extraordinary parts, and piety,
must needs undoe what ever was formerly setled never so well and
wisely.

So hardly can the pride of those that study Novelties, allow former
times any share or degree of wisedom or godliness.

And because matter of prayer and devotion to God justly bears a great
part in Religion, (being the soules more immediate converse with the
divine Majesty) nothing could be more plausible to the people then to
tell them, they served God amiss in that point.

Hence our publike Liturgy, or Forms of constant Prayers must be (not
amended, in what upon free and publick advice might seem to sober men
inconvenient for matter or manner, to which I should easily consent,
but) wholly cashiered, and abolished, and after many popular contempts
offered to the Booke, and those that used it according to their
consciences, and the Lawes in force, it must be crucified by an
Ordinance the better to please either those men, who gloried in their
extemporary veine and fluency: or others, who conscious to their own
formality in the use of it, thought they fully expiated their sin of
not using it aright, by laying all the blame upon it, and a totall
rejection of it as a dead letter, thereby to excuse the deadness of
their hearts.

As for the matter contained in the Book, sober and learned men have
sufficiently vindicated it against the cavils and exceptions of those
who thought it a part of piety to make what profane objections they
could against it; especially for Popery and Superstition; whereas no
doubt the Liturgy was exactly conformed to the doctrine of the Church
of _England_; & this by all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most
sound and Orthodox.

For the manner of using set and prescribed Forms, there is no doubt
but that wholsome words being known and fitted to mens understandings,
are soonest received into their hearts, and aptest to excite and carry
along with them judicious and fervent affections.

Nor doe I see any reason why Christians should be weary of a
well-composed Liturgie (as I hold this to be) more then of all other
things, wherein the constancy abates nothing of the excellency and
usefulness.

I could never see any Reason, why any Christian should abhor, or be
forbidden to use the same Forms of prayer, since he prayes to the same
God, believes in the same Saviour, professeth the same Truths, reads
the same Scriptures, hath the same duties upon him, and feels the
same daily wants for the most part, both inward and outward, which are
common to the whole Church.

Sure we may as well beforehand know what we pray, as to whom we pray;
and in what word, as to what sense; when we desire the same things,
what hinders we may not use the same words? our appetite and digestion
too may be good, when we use, as we pray for, _our daily bread_.

Some men, I hear, are so impatient not to use in all their devotions
their own invention and gifts, that they not only disuse (as too many)
but wholly cast away and contemn the _Lords Prayer_: whose great guilt
is, that it is the warrant and originall patern of all set Liturgies
in the Christian Church.

I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for
invention, and the vain affectation of variety for expressions, in
publike prayer, or any sacred administrations, merits a greater brand
of sin, then that which they call coldness and Barrenness: Nor are men
in those novelties less subject to formall and superficiall tempers,
(as to their hearts) then in the use of constant Forms, where not the
words, but mens hearts are to blame.

I make no doubt but a man may be very formall in the most extemporary
variety; & very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions: Nor
is God more a God of variety, than of constancy: Nor are constant
Forms of prayers more likely to flat, and hinder the Spirit of Prayer
and Devotion, than an unpremeditated and confused variety, to distract
and lose it.

Though I am not against a grave, modest, discreet, and humble use of
Ministers gifts, even in publique, the better to fit, and excite their
owne, and the peoples affections to the present occasions: yet I know
no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out,
& deprive the Church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of
many learned and godly men; such as the Composers of the Service-Book
were; who may in all reason be thought to have more of gifts & graces
enabling them to compose with serious deliberation & concurrent
advice, such Forms of prayers, as may best fit the Churches common
wants, inform the Hearers understanding, and stir up that fiduciary
and fervent application of their spirits (wherein consists the very
life and soul of prayer, and that so much pretended Spirit of prayer)
then any private man by his solitary abilities, can be presumed to
have; which, what they are many times (even there, where they make
a great noise and shew) the affectations, emptinesse, impertinency,
rudenesse, confusions, flatnesse, levity, obscurity, vain and
ridiculous repetitions, the senslesse, and oft-times blasphemous
expressions; all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable
length, do sufficiently convince all men, but those who glory in that
Pharisaick way.

Wherein men must be strangely impudent, and flatterers of themselves,
not to have an infinite shame of what they do and say, in things of so
sacred a nature, before God and the Church, after so ridiculous, and
indeed, profane a manner.

Nor can it be expected, but that in duties of frequent performance, as
Sacramentall administrations, and the like, which are still the same;
Ministers must either come to use their own Forms constantly, which
are not like to be so sound, or comprehensive of the nature of the
duty, as forms of publike composure; or else they must every time
affect new expressions when the subject is the same; which can hardly
be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies not to want (many
times) much of that compleatnesse, order, and gravity, becoming those
duties; which by this meanes are exposed at every celebration to every
Ministers private infirmities, indispositions, errours, disorders, and
defects, both for judgement and expression.

A serious sense of which inconvenience in the Church unavoidably
following every mans severall manner of officiating, no doubt, first
occasioned the wisdome and piety of the Ancient Churches, to
remedy those mischiefs, by the use of constant Liturgies of publike
composure.

The want of which I believe this Church will sufficiently feel, when
the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned ignorance, and confident
defects, shall be discovered in more errours, schismes, disorders, and
uncharitable distractions in Religion, which are already but too many,
and the more is the pitie.

However, if violence must needs bring in and abet those innovations,
(that men may not seem to have nothing to do) which Law, Reason, and
Religion forbids, at least to be so obtruded, as wholly to justle out
the publike Liturgy;

Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partiall severity of those
men, who either lately had subscribed to, used and maintained the
Service-book; or refused to use it, cried out of the rigour of Laws
and Bishops, which suffered them not to use the Liberty of their
Consciences in not using it.

That these men, (I say) should so suddenly change the Liturgy into a
Directory, as if the Spirit needed help for invention, though not
for expressions; or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and
obstruct the Spirit, as if it were cloathed in, and confined to fit
words (so slight & easie is that Legerdemain which will serve to
delude the vulgar.)

That further, they should use such severity as not to suffer without
penalty, any to use the Common-Prayer-Book publikely, although their
consciences bind them to it, as a duty of Piety to God, and Obedience
to the Laws.

Thus I see, no men are prone to be greater Tyrants, and more rigorous
exactors upon others to conform to their illegall novelties, then
such, whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of
lawfull Constitutions; and whose licentious humours most pretended
consciencious liberties, which freedome, with much regret, they now
allow to Me, and My Chaplains, when they may have leave to serve Me,
whose abilities, even in their extemporary way comes not short of the
others, but their modesty and learning far exceeds the most of them.

But this matter is of so popular a nature, as some men knew it would
not bear learned and sober debates, lest being convinced by the
evidence of Reason, as well as Laws, they should have been driven
either to sin more against their knowledge, by taking away the
Liturgie; or to displease some faction of the people, by continuing
the use of it.

Though, I beleeve, they have offended more considerable men, not onely
for their numbers and estates, but for their weighty and judicious
piety, then those are, whose weaknesse or giddinesse they sought to
gratifie by taking it away.

One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common-Prayer-Book,
I beleeve, was this, That it taught them to pray so oft for Me; to
which Petitions they had not Loyaltie enough to say _Amen_, nor yet
Charitie enough to forbear Reproaches, and even Cursings of Me in
their own Forms, in stead of praying for Me.

I wish their repentance may be their onely punishment; that seeing
the mischiefs, which the disuse of publick Liturgies hath already
produced, they may restore that credit, use and reverence to them,
which by the ancient Churches were given to set Forms of sound and
wholsom words.

_And thou, O Lord, which art the same God, blessed for ever, whose
Mercies are full of varietie, and yet of constancie; Thou deniest us
not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants nor despisest
renewed affections joyned to constant expressions._

_Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united and well advised
Devotions._

_Let the matters of our praiers be agreeable to thy will which is
always the same, and the fervency of our spirits to the motions of thy
holy Spirit in us._

_And then we doubt not, but thy spirituall perfections are such as
thou art neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or
manner, nor offended with the pious constancy of our petitions in them
both._

_Whose varietie or constancie thou hast no where either forbidden or
commanded but left them to the piety and prudence of thy Church, that
both may be used, neither despised._

_Keep men in that pious moderation of their judgements in matters
of Religion; that their ignorance may not offend others, nor their
opinion of their own abilities tempt them to deprive others of what
they may lawfully and devoutly use, to help their infirmities._

_And since the advantage of Error consists in novelty & variety, as
truths in unity and constancy: Suffer not thy Church to be pestered
with errours, and deformed with undecencies in thy service, under the
pretence of variety and noveltie. Nor to be deprived of truth,
unitie, and order under this fallacy, That constancie is the cause of
formality._

_Lord, keepe us from formall Hypocrisie in our own Hearts, and then
we know that praying to thee, or praising of thee (with_ David, _and
other Holy men) in the same formes cannot hurt us._

_Give us wisdom to amend what is amiss within us, and there will be
less to mend without us._

_Evermore defend and deliver thy Church from the effects of blind
zeale and over-bold devotion._

17. _Of the differences between the_ KING _and the two Houses, in
Point of Church-Government._

Touching the Government of the Church by Bishops, the common Jealousie
hath been, that I am earnest and resolute to maintain it, not so much
out of pietie, as policie, and reason of State.

Wherein so far indeed reason of State doth induce me to approve that
Government above any other, as I find it impossible for a Prince to
preserve the State in quiet, unlesse he hath such an influence upon
Church-men, and they such a dependance on Him, as may best restraine
the seditious exorbitancies of Ministers tongues; who with the Keyes
of Heaven have so far the Keyes of the Peoples hearts, as they prevail
much by their Oratory to let in, or shut out, both Peace and Loyalty.

So that I being (as King) intrusted by God, and the Lawes, with the
good both of Church and State; I see no Reason I should give up, or
weaken by any change, that power and influence which in right and
reason I ought to have over both.

The moving Bishops out of the House of Peers (of which I have elswhere
given an account) was sufficient to take off any suspicion, that
I inclined to them for any use to be made of their Votes in State
affaires: Though indeed I never thought any Bishop worthy to sit in
that House, who would not Vote according to his Conscience.

I must now in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government
in its Right constitution, as a matter of Religion; wherein both my
judgement is fully satisfied, that it hath of all other the fullest
Scripture grounds, and also the constant practise of all Christian
Churches; till of late years, the tumultuarinesse of People, or the
factiousnesse and pride of Presbyters, or the covetousnesse of some
States and Princes, gave occasion to some mens wits to invent
new models, and propose them under suspicious titles of _Christs
government, Scepter, and Kingdom_; the better to serve their turns, to
whom the change was beneficiall.

They must give me leave, having none of their temptations to invite
me to alter the Government of Bishops, (that I may have a title to
their Estates) not to beleeve their pretended grounds to any new
waies: contrary to the full, and constant testimony of all Histories
sufficiently convincing unbiased men; that as the Primitive Churches
were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles and their immediate
Successours the first & best Bishops: so it cannot in reason or
charity be supposed, that all Churches in the world should either be
ignorant of the rule by them prescribed, or so soon deviate from their
divine & holy pattern: That since the first Age, for 1500 years not
one Example can be produced of any setled Church, wherein were many
Ministers and Congregations, which had not some Bishop above them,
under whose jurisdiction and government they were.

Whose constant and universall practise agreeing with so large and
evident Scripture-directions, and examples, are set down in the
Epistles to _Timothy_ and _Titus_, for the setling of that Government
not in the persons onely _Timothy_ and _Titus_, but in the succession;
(the want of Government being that, which the Church can no more
dispence with, in point of wel-being, then the want of the word and
Sacrament in point of being.)

I wonder how men came to looke with so envious an eye upon Bishops
power and authority, as to over-see both the Ecclesiasticall use
of them, and Apostolicall constitution: which to me seems no lesse
evidently set forth, as to the maine scope and designe of those
Epistles, for the setling of a peculiar Office, Power, and Authority
in them as President-Bishops above others, in point of Ordination,
Censures, and other acts of Ecclesiasticall discipline; then those
shorter characters of the qualities and duties of Presbyter-Bishops,
and Deacons are described in some parts of the same Epistles; who
in the latitude & community of the name were then, and may now not
improperly be called Bishops; as to the oversight and care of
single Congregations, committed to them by the Apostles, or those
Apostolicall Bishops, who (as _Timothy_ and _Titus_) succeeded them,
in that ordinary power, there assigned over larger divisions in which
were many presbyters.

The humility of those first Bishops avoiding the eminent title of
Apostles as a name in the Churches stile appropriated from its common
notion (_of a Messenger, or one sent_) to that speciall dignity, which
had extraordinary call, mission, gifts and power immediately from
Christ: they contented themselves with the ordinary titles of Bishops
and Presbyters, until Use (the great Arbitrator of words, and Master
of language) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar name those
persons, whose Power and Office were indeed distinct from, and above
all other in the Church, as succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary
and constant power of governing the Churches, (the honour of whose
name they moderately, yet commendably declined) all Christian Churches
(submitting to that special Authority) appropriated also the name of
Bishop, without any suspicion or reproach of arrogancie, to those who
were by Apostolicall propagation rightly descended and invested into
that highest and largest power of governing even the most pure and
Primitive Churches: which, without all doubt, had many such holy
Bishops, after the pattern of _Timothy_ and _Titus_; whose special
power is not more clearly set down in those Epistles (the chief
grounds and limits of all Episcopall claim, as from divine Right) then
are the characters of these perilous times and those men that make
them such; who not enduring sound Doctrine, and clear testimonies
of all Churches practice, are most perverse Disputers, and proud
Usurpers, against true Episcopacy: who if they be not Traytours and
Boasters, yet they seem to be very covetous, heady, high-minded;
inordinate and fierce, lovers of themselves, having much of the form,
little of the power of godlinesse.

Who, by popular heaps of weak, light, and unlearned Teachers, seek
to over-lay and smother the pregnancy & authority of that power of
Episcopall Government, which, beyond all equivocation and vulgar
fallacy of names, is most convincingly set forth, both by Scripture,
and all after Histories of the Church.

This I write rather like a Divine, then a Prince, that Posterity may
see (if ever these papers be publique) that I had faire grounds
both from Scripture-Canons, and Ecclesiasticall examples whereon my
judgement was stated for Episcopall Government.

Nor was it any pollicy of State or obstinacy of will, or partiallity
of affection, either to the men, or their Function which fixed me;
who cannot in point of worldly respects be so considerable to me as to
recompence the injuries and losses I and my dearest relations with
my Kingdomes have sustained, and hazarded, chiefly at first upon this
quarrell.

And not only in Religion, of which, Scripture is the best rule, and
the Churches Universall practise the best commentary, but also in
right reason, and the true nature of Government, it cannot be thought,
that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters, or Ministers, should
be any more against Christianity, then it is in all secular and civill
Governments, where Parity breeds confusion and faction.

I can no more beleeve, that such Order is inconsistent with true
Religion, then good features are with beautie, or numbers with
harmonie.

Nor is it likely that God, who appointed several Orders, and a
Prelacy, in the Government of his Church among the Jewish Priests,
should abhor or forbid them amongst Christian Ministers; who have
as much of the principles of Schism and division as other men; for
preventing and suppressing of which, the Apostolical wisdom (which was
Divine) after that Christians were multiplied to many Congregations,
and Presbyters with them appointed this way of Government, which might
best preserve Order and Union with Authority.

So that, I conceive, it was not the favour of Princes, or ambition
of Presbyters; but the wisdom and piety of the Apostles, that first
settled Bishops in the Church; which Authority they constantly used
and enjoyned in those times, which were purest for Religion, though
sharpest for Persecution.

Not that I am against the managing of this Presidency and Authority in
one man, by the joynt Councell and consent of many Presbyters: I
have offered to restore that, as a fit meanes to avoid those Errours,
Corruptions, and Partialities, which are incident to any one man: Also
to avoid Tyranny, which becoms no Christians, least of all Church-men;
besides, it will be a means to take away that burden, and _odium_ of
affairs, which may lie too heavy on one mans shoulders, as indeed I
think it formerly did on the Bishops here.

Nor can I see what can be more agreeable both to Reason and Religion,
then such a frame or Government which is paternall, not Magistericall;
and wherein not onely the necessity of avoiding Faction and Confusion,
Emulations and Contempts, which are prone to arise among equals in
power and function; but also the differences of some Ministers gifts,
and aptitudes for Government above others, doth invite to imploy them,
in reference to those Abilities wherin they are Eminent.

Nor is this judgement of mine touching Episcopacy, any re-occupation
of opinion, which will not admit any oppositions against it: It is
well known I have endeavoured to satisfie my self in what the chief
Patrons for other wayes can say against this, or for theirs: And I
find they have, as far lesse of Scripture grounds, and of Reason; so
for examples, and practice of the Church, or testimonies of Histories,
they are wholly destitute; wherein the whole stream runs so for
Episcopacy, that there is not the least rivulet for any others.

As for those obtruded examples of some late reformed Churches (for
many retain Bishops still) whom necessity of Times and Affairs rather
excuseth, then commendeth for their inconformity to all Antiquity; I
could never see any reason why Churches orderly reformed, and governed
by Bishops, should be forced to conform to those few, rather then
to the catholick Example of all ancient Churches, which needed no
Reformation: And to those Churches at this day, who governed by
Bishops in all the Christian world, are many more then Presbyterians
or Independents can pretend to be; All whom the Churches in my three
Kingdoms, lately Governed by Bishops, would equalize (I think) if not
exceed.

Nor is it any point of wisdom or charitie, where Christians differ (as
many do in some points) there to widen the differences, and at once to
give all the Christian world (except an handfull of some Protestants)
so great a scandall in point of Church-Government; whom, though you
may convince of their Errours in some points of Doctrine; yet you
shall never perswade them, that to compleat their Reformation, they
must necessarily desert, and wholly cast off that Government, which
they, and all before them have ever owned as Catholick, Primitive,
and Apostolical, so far, that never Schismaticks nor Hereticks (except
those Arrians) have strayed from the Unitie and Conformitie of the
Church in that point; ever having Bishops above Presbyters.

Besides, the late generall approbation and submission to this
Government of Bishops, by the Clergy, as well as the Laitie of
these Kingdomes, is a great confirmation of my Judgment; and their
inconstancie is a great prejudice against their noveltie: I cannot
in charity so far doubt of their Learning or Integrity, as if they
understood not what heretofore they did; or that they did conform
contrary to their Consciences: So that their facility and levity is
never to be excused, who, before ever the point of Church-government
had any free & impartiall Debate, contrary to their former Oathes and
Practice, against their obedience to the Lawes in force, and against
my Consent, have not onely quite cryed down the Government by Bishops;
but have approved and incouraged the violent and most illegall
stripping all the Bishops, and many other Church-men, of all their due
Authority and Revenues, even to the selling away, and utter alienation
of those Church-lands from any Ecclesiastical uses: So great a power
hath the stream of times, and the prevalency of parties over some mens
judgments; of whose so sudden and so total change, little reason can
be given, besides the _Scots_ Armie coming into _England_.

But the folly of these men will at last punish it self, and the
Desertors of Episcopacy will appear the greatest Enemies to,
and Betrayers of their own Interest: For Presbytery is never so
considerable or effectuall, as when it is joyned to, and crowned with
Episcopacy. All Ministers wil find as great a difference in point of
thriving, between the favour of the people, and of Princes, as plants
do between being watered by hand, or by the sweet and liberall dews of
Heaven.

The tenuity and contempt of Clergy-men will soon let them see, what a
poor carcasse they are, when parted from the influence of that Head,
to whose Supremacy they have been sworn.

A little moderation might have prevented great mischiefs. I am firm to
primitive Episcopacie, not to have it extirpated (if I can hinder it.)
Discretion without passion might easily reform what-ever the rust of
Times, or indulgence of Laws, or corruption of Manners have brought
upon it. It being a grosse vulgar errour, to impute to, or revenge
upon the Function, the faults of Times or Persons; which seditious and
popular principle and practice all wise men abhor.

For these secular Additaments and Ornaments of Authority, Civil
Honour and Estate, which my Predecessours and Christian Princes in all
Countries have annexed to Bishops and Church-men; I look upon them but
as just rewards of their learning and piety, who are fit to be in any
degree of Church-Government: also enablements to works of Charitie
and Hospitality, meet strengthnings of their Authoritie in point of
respect and observance; which in peacefull Times is hardly paid to
any Governours by the measure of their Vertues, so much, as by that of
their Estates; Povertie and meanness exposing them and their Authority
to the contempt of licentious mindes and manners, which persecuting
Times much restrained.

I would have such men Bishops, as are most worthy of those
encouragements, and best able to use them: if at any time my judgment
of men failed, my good intention made my errour veniall: And some
Bishops, I am sure, I had, whose learning, gravitie, and pietie, no
men of any worth or forehead can deny: But, of all men, I would have
Church-men, especially the Governours, to be redeemed from that vulgar
neglect; (which besides an innate principle of vitious opposition,
which is in all men against those that seem to reprove, or restrain
them) will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian parity, which
makes all Ministers equall; and the Independent inferiority, which
sets their Pastor below the People.

This for My judgment touching Episcopacy, wherein (Gods knows) I doe
not gratifie any design or passion with the least perverting of Truth.

And now I appeal to God above, and all the Christian world, whether
it be just for Subjects, or pious for Christians, by violence, and
infinite indignities, with servile restraints to seek to force Me
their KING and Soveraign, as some men have endevoured to doe, against
all these grounds of my Judgment, to consent to their weak and divided
novelties.

The greatest Pretender of them desires not more than I doe, That the
Church should be governed, as Christ hath appointed, in true Reason,
and in Scripture; of which, I could never see any probable shew for
any other waies: who either content themselves with the examples of
some Churches in their infancy and solitude; when one Presbyter might
serve one Congregation, in a City or Countrey; or else they deny
these most evident Truths, That the Apostles were Bishops over Those
Presbyters they ordained, as well as over the Churches they planted;
and that Government being necessary for the Churches wel-being when
multiplied and sociated, must also necessarily descend from the
Apostles to others, after the example of that power and Superiority
they had above others: which could not end with their Persons, since
the use and ends of such Government still continue.

It is most sure, that the purest Primitive and best Churches
flourished under Episcopacy; and may so still, if ignorance,
superstition, avarice, revenge, and other disorderly and disloyal
passions had not so blown up some mens minds against it, that what
they want of Reasons or primitive Patterns, they supply with violence
and oppressions; wherein some mens zeal for Bishops Lands, Houses and
Revenues hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy: which (however
other men esteem) to Me is no lesse sin then Sacriledge, or a robbery
of God (the giver of all we have) of that portion which devout minds
have thankfully given again to him, in giving it to his Church and
Prophets; through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold
water, as a libation offered to himself.

Furthermore, as to my particular Engagement above other men, by an
Oath agreeable to my judgement, I am solemnly obliged to preserve that
Government, and the rights of the Church.

Were I convinced of the unlawfullnesse of the Function, as
Antichristian, (which some men boldly, but weakly calumniate) I could
soone, with Judgement, breake that Oath, which erroneously was taken
by me.

But being daily by the best disquisition of truth, more confirmed in
the reason and Religion of that, to which I am sworn; How can any man
that wisheth not my damnation, perswade me at once to so notorious
and combined sins, of Sacriledge & Perjury? besides the many personall
Injustices I must doe to many worthy men, who are as legally invested
in their Estates, as any, who seeke to deprive them; and they have
by no Law, been convicted of those crimes, which might forfeit their
Estates and Lively-hoods.

I have often wondred how men pretending to tendernesse of Conscience
and Reformation, can at once tell me, that my Coronation Oath binds
me to Consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Me (which they
urge with such violence) though contrary to all that Rationall and
Religious freedom which every man ought to preserve, & of which they
seem so tender in their own Votes: yet at the same time these men
will needs perswade Me. That I must, and ought to dispense with, and
roundly break that part of my Oath, which binds Me (agreeable to the
best light of Reason and Religion I have) to maintain the Government,
and legall Rights of the Church. 'Tis strange, my lot should be valid
in that part, which both my Self, and all men in their own case,
esteem injurious and unreasonable, as being against the very naturall
and essentiall libertie of our Souls; yet it should be invalid, and
to be broken in another clause, wherein I think my Self justly obliged
both to God and Man.

Yet upon this Rack chiefly have I been held so long, by some mens
ambitious Covetousnesse, and sacrilegious Cruelty; torturing (with Me)
both Church and State in Civill Dissentions, til I shall be forced
to consent, and declare that I do approve, what (God knows) I utterly
dislike, and in my Soul abhor, as many wayes highly against Reason,
Justice, and Religion: and whereto, if I should shamefully and
dishonorably give my consent; yet should I not by so doing, satisfie
the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties, which contend
with each other, as well as both against Me and Episcopacy.

Nor can my late condescending to the _Scots_ in point of
Church-Government, be rightly objected against me, as an inducement
for me, to consent to the like in my other Kingdoms; For it should be
considered, That Episcopacie was not so rooted and setled there, as
'tis here; nor I (in that respect) so strictly bound to continue it in
that Kingdom, as in this; for what I think in my judgment best, I may
not think so absolutely necessary for all places, and at all times.

If any shall impute my yeelding to them as my failing and sin, I can
easily acknowledge it; but that is no argument to do so again, or much
worse; I being now more convinced in that point: nor indeed, hath my
yeelding to them been so happy and successfull, as to encourage me to
grant the like to others.

Did I see any thing more of Christ, as to Meeknesse, Justice, Order,
Charity, and Loyaltie in those that pretended to other modes of
Government, I might suspect my Judgment to be biassed, or fore-stalled
with some prejudice and wontednesse of opinion: but I have hitherto
so much cause to suspect the contrary in the manners of many of those
men, that I cannot from them gain the least reputation for their new
ways of Government.

Nor can I find, that in any Reformed Churches (whose patterns are
so cried up, and obtruded upon the Churches under my Dominion) that
either Learning, or Religion, works of Piety or Charity, have
so flourished beyond what they have done in my Kingdoms (by
Gods blessing) which might make me believe either Presbytery or
Independency have a more benigne influence upon the Church and mens
hearts and lives, then Episcopacy in its right constitution.

The abuses of which, deserve to be extirpated, as much as the use
retained; for I think it farre better to hold to primitive and
uniforme Antiquity, then to comply with divided novelty.

A right Episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires and
interests of good Bishops, humble presbyters, and sober People; so as
Church affaires should be managed neither with tyrannie, paritie nor
popularitie; neither Bishops ejected, nor presbyters dispised, nor
People oppressed,

And in this integrity both of my Judgement and Conscience, I hope God
will preserve me.

_For thou, O Lord, knowest my uprightnesse, and tendernesse, as thou
hast set me to be a Defender of the Faith, and a Protectour of thy
Church, so suffer me not by any violence, to be overborne against my
Conscience._

_Arise O Lord, maintain thine own Cause, let not thy Church be
deformed, as to that Government, which derived from thy Apostles, hath
been retained in purest and primitive times, till the Revenues of the
Church became the object of secular envie; Which seeks to rob it of
all the incouragements of Learning and Religion._

_Make me as the good Samaritan, compassionate and helpfull to thy
afflicted Church; which some men have wounded and robb'd; others pass
by without regard, either to pitie or relieve._

_As my power was from thee, so give me grace to use it for thee._

_And though I am not suffered to be Master of my other Rights as a_
KING; _yet preserve me in that libertie of Reason, love of Religion,
and thy Churches welfare which are fixed in my Conscience as a
Christian._

_Preserve from sacrilegious Invasions, those temporall blessings,
which thy Providence hath bestowed on thy Church for thy glorie._

_Forgive their sins and errours, who have deserved thy just
permission, thus to let in the wilde Boar and subtil Foxes, to waste
and deform thy Vineyard, which thy right hand hath planted, and the
dew of heaven so long watered to a happy and flourishing estate._

_O let me not bear the infamous brand to all Posteritie, of being the
first Christian_ KING, _in this Kingdom, who should consent to the
oppression of thy Church, and the Fathers of it; whose errours I
would rather, with_ Constantine, _cover with silence, and reform with
meeknesse, then expose their persons, and sacred Functions to vulgar
contempt._

_Thou, O Lord, seest how much I have suffered with, and for thy
Church; make no long tarrying O my God to deliver both me and it, from
unreasonable men whose counsels have brought forth, and continue such
violent confusions, by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries
of the Churches peace; thereby letting in all manner of errours,
scismes and disorders._

_O thou God of order, and of truth, in thy good time abate the malice,
asswage the rage, and confound all the mischievous devises of thine,
mine, and thy Churches enemies._

_That I, and all that love thy Church, may sing prayses to thee, and
ever magnifie thy salvation, even before the sons of men._

18. _Upon_ Uxbridge _Treaty, and other Offers made by the_ KING.

I looke upon the way of Treaties, as a retiring from fighting like
beasts, to arguing like men; whose strength should be more in their
understandings, then in their limbs.

And though I could seldom get opportunities to Treat, yet I never
wanted either desire or disposition to it; having greater confidence
of my Reason, then my Sword. I was so wholy resolved to yeild to the
first, that I thought neither my self, not others, should need to use
the second, if once we rightly understood each other.

Nor did I ever think it a diminution of me, to prevent them with
expresses of my desires, and even importunities to Treat: It being an
office not only of humanity, rather to use Reason then Force; but also
of Christianitie to _seek peace and ensue it_.

As I am very unwillingly compelled to defend my self with Armes, so I
very willingly embraced any thing tending to Peace.

The events of all War by the Sword being very dubious, and of a Civill
war uncomfortable; the end hardly recompencing, and late repairing the
mischiefe of the means.

Nor did any successe I had ever enhaunce with me the price of Peace,
as earnestly desired by me as any man; though I was like to pay dearer
for it then any man: All that I sought to reserve, was, mine Honour
and my Conscience; the one I could not part with as a King, the other
as a Christian.

The Treaty at _Uxbridg_ gave the fairest hopes of an happy composure;
had others applied themselves to it with the same moderation, as I
did, I am confident the war had then ended.

I was willing to condescend, as far as Reason, Honour, and Conscience,
would give me leave: nor were the remaining differences so essentiall
to my peoples happinesse, or of such consequence, as in the least kind
to have hindred my Subjects either security or prosperity; for they
better enjoyed both many yeers, before ever those demands were made;
some of which to deny, I think the greatest Justice to my Self, and
favour to my Subjects.

I see Jealousies are not so easily allayed, as they are raised: Some
men are more afraid to retreat from violent Engagements, then to
Engage: what is wanting in Equity, must be made up in Pertinacie. Such
as had little to enjoy in Peace, or to lose in War, studied to render
the very name of _Peace_ odious and suspected.

In Church-affairs, where I had least libertie of prudence, having
so many strict ties of Conscience upon me, yet I was willing to
condescend so farr to the setling of them, as might have given fair
satisfaction to all men, whom Faction, Covetousness, or Superstition
had not engaged, more then any true zeal, charity, or love of
Reformation.

I was content to yeeld to all that might seem to advance true piety;
I onely sought to continue what was necessary in point of Order,
Maintenance, and Authority to the Churches Government; and what I am
perswaded (as I have else-where set down my thoughts more fully) is
most agreeable to the true principles of all Government, raised to
its full stature and perfection, as also to the primitive Apostolicall
patterne, and the practice of the Universall Church conform therunto.

From which wholly to recede, without any probable reason urged or
answered, only to satisfie some mens wills and fantasies (which yet
agree not among themselves in any point, but that of extirpating
Episcopacy, and fighting against Me) must needs argue such a
softnesse, and infirmity of mind in Me, as will rather part with Gods
Truth, then mans Peace, and rather lose the Churches honour, then
crosse some mens factious humours.

God knows, and time will discover, who were most to blame for the
un-successfulnesse of that Treaty, and who must bear the guilt of
after-calamities. I beleeve, I am very excusable both before God, and
all unpassionate men, who have seriously weighed those transactions,
wherein I endeavoured no lesse the restauration of peace to my people,
then the preservation of my own Crowns to my posterity.

Some men have that height, as to interpret all faire condescendings as
arguments of feeblenesse, and glory most in an unflexible stifnesse,
when they see others most supple and inclinable to them.

A grand Maxime with them was alwayes to ask something, which in Reason
and Honour must be denied, that they might have some colour to refuse
all that was in other things granted; setting Peace at as high a rate,
as the worst effects of Warr; endevouring first to make Me destroy My
self by dishonourable Concessions, that so they might have the less to
do.

This was all which that Treaty, or any other produced, to let the
world see how little I would deny, or they grant, in order to the
publick Peace.

That it gave occasion to some mens further restivenesse, is imputable
to their own depraved tempers, not to any Concessions or negations
of Mine: I have alwayes the content of what I offered, and they the
regret and blame, for what they refused.

The highest tide of success set me not above a Treaty, nor the lowest
ebbe below a Fight: Though I never thought it any sign of true valour,
to be prodigal of mens lives, rather then be drawne to produce our own
Reasons, or subscribe to other mens.

That which made me for the most part presage the unsuccesfulnesse of
any Treaty, was, some mens unwillingnesse to Treat: which implied some
things were to be gained by the Sword, whose unseasonableness they
were loth to have fairly scanned, being more proper to be acted by
Souldiers, then by Counsellours.

I pray God forgive them that were guilty of that Treaties breaking:
and give them grace to make their advantages gotten by the Sword a
better opportunity to use such moderation as was then wanting; that so
though Peace were for our sins justly deferred, yet at last it might
be happily obtained; what we could not get by our Treaties, we may
gaine by our prayers.

_O thou, that art the God of Reason, and of Peace, who disdainest not
to treat with Sinners, preventing them with offers of attonement,
and beseeching them to be reconciled with thy selfe: who wantest not
Power, or Iustice, to destroy them; yet aboundest in mercy to save:
soften our hearts by the bloud of our Redeemer, and perswade us to
accept of Peace with thy self, and both to procure and preserve Peace
among our selves, as Men and Christians. How oft have I entreated for
Peace? but when I speak thereof, they make them ready to War._

_Condemn us not to our passions, which are destructive both of our
selves, and of others._

_Cleer up our understandings to see thy Truth, both in reason, as Men;
and in Religion, as Christians: and incline all our hearts to hold
the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace. Take from us that enmity
which is now in our hearts against thee: and give us that charity
which should be among our selves._

_Remove the evils of war we have deserved, & bestow upon us that peace
which only Christ our great Peace-maker can merit._

19. _Upon the various events of the warre, victories, and defeats._

The various successes of this unhappy war, have at least, afforded me
variety of good meditations: sometimes God was pleased to try me with
victory, by worsting my enemies, that I might know how with moderation
and thanks to own, and use his power, who is the onely true Lord of
Hosts, able when he pleases to represse the confidence of those who
fought against mee with so great advantage for power and number.

From small beginnings on my part, hee let me see, that I was not
wholly for saken by my peoples love, or his protection.

Other times God was pleased to exercise my patience, and teach me not
to trust in the arm of Flesh, but in the living God.

My sins sometimes prevailed against the justice of my cause, and
those that were with me wanted not matter and occasion for his just
chastisement both of them and Mee: Nor were My Enemies lesse punished
by that prosperity which hardened them to continue that injustice by
open hostilitie, which was begun by most riotous and un-Parliamentary
Tumults.

There is no doubt but personall and private sins may oft-times
over-balance the Justice of publick Engagements; nor doth God account
every gallant man (in the worlds esteem) a fit instrument to assert in
the way of War a righteous Cause: The more men are prone to arrogate
to their own skill, valour, and strength, the lesse doth God
ordinarily work by them for his own glory.

I am sure the event or successe can never state the Justice of any
Cause, nor the peace of mens Consciences, nor the eternall fate of
their Souls.

Those with Me had (I think) clearly and undoubtedly, for their
justification, the Word of God, and the Lawes of the Land, together
with their own Oathes; all requiring obedience to my just Commands;
but to none other under Heaven without me, or against me in the point
of raising Arms.

Those on the other side are forced to flie to the shifts of some
pretended Fears, and wilde Fundamentals of State (as they call them)
which actually overthrow the present fabrick both of Church and State;
being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence as are most impertinent
for those men to alledge, who being my Subjects, were manifestly
the first assaulters of Me and the Laws: first, by unsuppressing the
Tumults, after by listed Forces: The same Allegations they use, will
fit any Faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second
with the Sword all their Demands against the present Laws and
Governours; which can never be such as some side or other will not
find fault with, so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to
a Rebellion against them: some parasitick Preachers have dared to call
those Martyrs, who died fighting against Me, the Laws, their Oaths,
and the Religion established.

But sober Christians know, That glorious Title can with truth be
applied onely to those, who sincerely preferred Gods Truth and their
duty in all these particulars before their lives, and all that was
dear to them in this world; who having no advantageous Designes by
any Innovasion, were Religiously sensible of those ties to God, the
Church, and my Self, which lay upon their souls, both for obedience,
and just assistance.

God could, and I doubt not but hee did through his mercy, crown many
of them with eternall life, whose lives were lost in so just a Cause;
the destruction of their bodies being sanctified as a means to save
their souls.

Their Wounds and temporal Ruine serving as a gracious opportunity for
their eternall Health and Happinesse; while the evident approach of
death, through Gods grace, effectually dispose their hearts to such
Humilitie, Faith, and Repentance, which together with the Rectitude of
their present Engagement, would fully prepare them for a better life
then that which their enemies brutish and disloyall fiercenesse could
deprive them of; or without repentance hope to enjoy.

They have often, indeed, had the better against my side in the
Field, but never, I beleeve at the Bar of Gods Tribunal, or their
own Consciences; where they are more afraid to encounter those many
pregnant Reasons, both for Law, Allegiance, and all true Christian
grounds, which conflicts _with_, and accuse them _in_ their own
thoughts, then they oft were in a desperate bravery to fight against
those Forces which sometimes God gave me.

Whose condition conquered, and dying, I make no question, but is
infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man (that duly values his
duty, his soul and eternity, beyond the enjoyment of this present
life) then the most triumphant glory, wherein their and mine Enemies
supervive; who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented by that horrid
guilt, wherewith their suspicious, or now convicted Consciences do
pursue them, especially since they and all the world have seen, how
false and unintended those pretensions were, which they first set
forth, as the onely plausible (though not justifiable) grounds of
raising a War, and continuing it thus long against Me, and the Laws
established; in whose safety and preservation all honest men think the
welfare of their Country doth consist.

For, and with all which, it is far more honourable and comfortable to
suffer, then to prosper in their ruine and subversion.

I have often prayed, that all on my side might join true pietie with
the sense of their Loyalty; and be as faithfull to God and their own
souls, as they were to Me; That the defects of the one might not blast
the endeavours of the other.

Yet I cannot think, that any shews of truth of piety on the other
side were sufficient to dispence with, or expiate the defects of their
dutie and Loyaltie to Me, which have so pregnant convictions on mens
consciences, that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them to
venture their lives for Me.

I never had any Victory which was without My sorrow, because it was
on Mine own Subjects, who, like _Absolom_, died many of them in their
sin: And yet I never suffered any Defeat which made Me despair of Gods
mercy and defence.

I never desired such victories, as might serve to conquer, but only
restore the Laws and Liberties of My people; which I saw were extremly
oppressed, together with my rights, by those men, who were impatient
of any just restraint.

When Providence gave Me, or denied Me Victory, my desire was never to
boast of my power nor to charge God foolishly; who I believed at last
would make all things to work together for my good.

I wished no greater advantages by the War, then to bring my Enemies to
moderation, and my Friends to peace.

I was afraid of the temptation of an absolute conquest, and never
prayed more for Victory over others, then over my self. When the first
was denied, the second was granted me, which God saw best for me.

The different events were but the methods of divine justice, by
contrary winds to winow us: That, by punishing our sins, he might
purge them from us; and by deferring peace, he might prepare us more
to prize, and better to use so great a blessing.

My often Messages for Peace shewed, that I delighted not in Warre; as
my former Concessions sufficiently testified, how willingly I would
have prevented it; and My totall unpreparedness for it, how little _I_
intended it.

The Conscience of my Innocence forbad Me to fear a Warr; but the love
of my Kingdoms commanded me (if possible) to avoid it.

I am guilty in this War of nothing but this, That I gave such
advantages to some men, by confirming their power, which they knew not
to use with that modesty and gratitude, which became their loyalty and
My confidence.

Had I yeelded lesse, I had been opposed lesse; had I denied more, I
had been more obeyed.

'Tis now too late to review the occasions of the War; I wish only a
happy conclusion of so unhappy beginnings: The inevitable fate of our
sins was (no doubt) such, as would no longer suffer the divine Justice
to be quiet: we having conquered this patience, are condemned by
mutuall conquerings, to destroy one another: for, the most prosperous
successes on either side, impair the welfare of the whole.

Those Victories are still miserable, that leave our sins unsubdued;
flushing our pride, and animating to continue injuries.

Peace is not it self desirable, till repentance hath prepared us for
it.

When we fight more against our selves, and lesse against God, we shall
cease fighting against one another; I pray God these may all meet
in our hearts, and so dispose us to an happy conclusion of these
Civil-Wars; that I may know better to obey God, and govern my people,
and they may learn better to obey both God and me.

Nor do _I_ desire any man should be further subject to me, then all of
us may be subject to God.

_O my God, make me content to be overcome, when thou wilt have it so._

_Teach me the noblest victory over my self and my enemies by patience,
which was Christs conquest, and may well become a Christian King._

_Between both thy hands, the right sometimes supporting, and the left
afflicting, fashion us to that frame of Piety thou likest best._

_Forgive the pride that attends our prosperous, and the repinings
which follow our disastrous events; when going forth in our own
strength thou withdrawest thine, and goest not forth with our Armies._

_Be thou all, when we are something, and when we are nothing; that
thou mayest have the glory, when we are in a Victorious, or inglorious
condition._

_Thou O Lord knowest, how hard it is for me to suffer so much evill
from my Subjects, to whom I intend nothing but good; and I cannot
but suffer in those evils which they compel me to inflect upon them;
punishing my self in their punishments._

_Since therefore both in conquering, and being conquered, I am still
a Sufferer: I beseech thee to give me a double portion of thy Spirit,
and that measure of grace, which only can be sufficient for me._

_As I am most afflicted, so make me most reformed: that I may not be
only happy to see an end of those civill distractions, but a chief
Instrument to restore and establish a firm, and blessed Peace to my
Kingdoms._

_Scirre up all Parties pious ambitions to overcome each other with
reason, moderation, and such self-deniall, as becomes those, who
consider that our mutuall divisions are our common distractions, and
the Union of all is every good mans chiefest interest._

_If O Lord, as for the sins of our peace, thou hast brought upon us
the miseries of War: so for the sins of War thou shouldst see fit
still to deny us the blessing of peace, and so to keep us in a
circulation of miseries: yet give me thy Servant, and all Loyall,
though afflicted Subjects, to enjoy that peace which, the world can
nether give to us, nor take from us._

_Impute not to me the blood of my Subjects, which with infinite
unwillingness and griefe, hath been shed by me, in my just & necessary
defence: but wash me with that precious blood, which hath been shed
for me, by my great Peacemaker, Jesus Christ; Who will, I trust,
redeem me shortly out of all my troubles: for, I know the triumphing
of the Wicked is but short, and the joy of Hypocrites is but for a
moment._

20. _Upon the Reformation of the Times._

No Glory is more to be envied then that of due reforming either
Church or State, when deformities are such, that the perturbation and
noveltie are not like to exceed the benefit of Reforming.

Although God should not honour me so far, as to make me an Instrument
of so good a work, yet _I_ should be glad to see it done.

As I was well pleased with this Parliaments first intentions to reform
what the indulgence of Times, and corruption of manners might have
depraved; so I am sorry to see after the freedom of Parliament was by
factious Tumults oppressed, how little regard was had to the good Laws
established, and the Religion setled; which ought to be the first
rule and standard of Reforming: with how much partiality and popular
compliance the passions and opinions of men have been gratified,
to the detriment of the Publick, and the infinite scandall of the
reformed Religion?

What dissolutions of all Order and Government in the Church? what
novelties of Schism, and corrupt opinions? what undecencies and
confusions in sacred Administrations? what sacrilegious Invasions upon
the Rights and Revenues of the Church? what contempt and oppressions
of the Clergie? what injurious diminutions and persecutings of Me
have followed (as showers do warm gleams) the talk of Reformation, all
sober men are Witnesses, and with my self, sad Spectators hitherto.

The great miscarriage (I think) is, that popular clamours and fury
have been allowed the reputation of zeal, and the Publick sense; so
that the studies to please some Parties, hath indeed injured all.

Freedom, Moderation and Impartiality are sure the best tempers of
reforming Counsels and endeavours; what is acted by Factions, cannot
but offend more then it pleaseth.

I have offered to put all differences in Church affairs and Religion
to the free consultation of a Synod or Convocation rightly chosen; the
results of whose Councels, as they would have included the Votes of
all, so its like they would have given most satisfaction to all.

The Assembly of Divines, whom the two Houses have applied (in an
unwonted way) to advise of Church affairs, I dislike not farther, then
that they are not legally convened and chosen; nor act in the name of
all the Clergy of _England_; nor with freedom and impartiality can
do any thing, being limited and confined, if not overawed, to do and
declare what they do.

For I cannot think so many men cried up for learning and piety,
who formerly allowed the Liturgy and Government of the Church of
_England_, as to the main, would have so suddenly agreed quite
to abolish both of them, (the last of which, they know to be of
Apostolicall institution, at least; as of Primitive and Universall
practice) if they had been left to the liberty of their own
suffrages, and if the influence of contrary factions had not by secret
encroachments of hopes and fears, prevailed upon them, to comply with
so great and dangerous Innovations in the Church; without any regard
to their own former judgment and practice, or to the common interest
and honour of all the Clergy, and in them of Order, learning, and
Religion against examples of all Ancient Churches; the Lawes in force
and my consent; which is never to be gained, against so pregnant
light, as in that point shines on my understanding.

For I conceive, that where the Scripture is not so clear and punctuall
in precepts, there the constant and Universall practice of the Church,
in things not contrary to Reason, Faith, good Manners, or any positive
Command, is the best rule that Christians can follow.

I was willing to grant, or restore to Presbytery, what with Reason or
Discretion it can pretend to, in a conjuncture with Episcopacy; but
for that wholy to invade the Power, and by the Sword to arrogate, and
quite abrogate the Authority of that Ancient Order, I thinke neither
just, as to episcopacy, nor safe for Presbytery; nor yet any way
convenient for this Church or State.

A due reformation had easily followed moderate Counsels: and such (I
beleeve) as would have given more content, even to the most of those
Divines, who have been led on with much Gravity and formality, to
carry on other mens designes which no doubt many of them by this time
discover, though they dare not but smother their frustrations and
discontents.

The specious and popular Titles of Christs Government, Throne,
Scepter, and Kingdom, (which certainly is not divided, nor hath
two faces, as their parties now have at least) also the noise of a
thorow-Reformation, these may as easily be fined on new models, as
fair colours may be put to ill-favoured Figures.

The breaking of Church-windows, which time had sufficiently defaced;
pulling down of Crosses, which were but Civill, not Religious marks;
defacing of Monuments, and Inscriptions of the dead, which served but
to put Posterity in minde, to thank God for that clearer light wherein
they live: The leaving of Ministers to their liberties, and private
abilities in the publick service of God, where no Christian can tell
to what hee may say _Amen_; nor what adventure he may make of seeming,
at least, to consent to the Errours, Blasphemies, and ridiculous
Undecencies which bold and ignorant men list to vent in their
Prayers, Preaching, and other Offices; Their setting forth also of old
Catechisms, and Confessions of Faith new drest, importing as much, as
if there had been no sound or cleer Doctrine of Faith in this Church,
before some four or five yeers consultation had matured their thoughts
touching their first principles of Religion.

All these and the like are the effects of popular, specious, and
deceitfull Reformations, (that they might not seem to have nothing to
do) and may give some short flashes of content to the Vulgar, (who are
taken with novelties, as children with babies, very much, but not very
long) but all this amounts not to, nor can in justice merit the glory
of the Churches thorow-Reformation; since they leave all things more
deformed, disorderly, and discontented then when they began, in point
of Piety, Morality, Charity, and good Order.

Nor can they easily recompence or remedie the inconveniences and
mischiefs which they have purchased so dearly, and which have, and
will ever necessarily ensue, till due remedies be applied.

I wish they would at last make it their unanimous work to do Gods
work, and not their own: Had Religion been first considered (as it
merited) much trouble might have been prevented.

But some men thought, that the Government of this Church and State,
fixed by so many Lawes, and long Customes, would not run into their
new moulds, till they had first melted it in the fire of a Civil Warr;
by the advantages of which they resolved, if they prevailed, to make
my Self and all my Subjects fall down and worship the Images they
should form and set up. If there had been as much of Christs Spirit,
for meeknesse, wisdom and charitie in mens hearts, as there was of his
name used in the pretensions to reform all to Christs Rule, it would
certainly have obtained more of Gods blessing, and produced more of
Christs Glory, the Churches good, the honour of Religion, and the
unity of Christians.

Publick Reformers had need first act in private, and practice that on
their own hearts, which they purpose to try on others; for Deformities
within will soon betray the pretenders of publick Reformations to such
private designs, as must needs hinder the publick good.

I am sure, the right Methods of Reforming the Church, cannot subsist
with that of perturbing the Civil State; nor can Religion be justly
advanced by depressing Loyaltie, which is one of the chiefest
Ingredients, and Ornaments of true Religion: for next to _Fear God_,
is, _Honour the King_.

I doubt not but Christs Kingdom may be set up without pulling down
mine; nor will any men in impartiall times appear good Christians,
that approve not them selves good Subjects.

Christs Government will confirm Mine, not overthrow it, since as I
own Mine from Him, so I desire to rule for his Glory, and his Churches
good.

Had some men truly intended Christs Government, or knew what it meant
in their hearts, they could never have been so ill governed in their
words and actions, both against Me, and one another.

As good ends cannot justifie evill means; so nor will evill beginnings
ever bring forth good conclusions: unless God by a miracle of Mercie
create Light out of Darknesse, Order out of our Confusions, and peace
out of our passions.

_Thou, O Lord, who onely canst give us beauty for ashes, and Truth for
Hypocrisie; suffer us not to be miserably deluded with Pharisaicall
washings, in stead of Christian reformings._

_Our greatest diformities are within; make us the severest Censurers,
and first Reformers of our own souls._

_That we may in clearnesse of judgment, and uprightnesse of heart be
means to reform what is indeed amisse in Church and State._

_Create in us clean hearts, O Lord, and renew right spirits within
us; that we may do all by thy directions, to thy glory, and with thy
blessing. Pity the deformities, which some rash & cruel Reformers have
brought upon this Church and State: Quench the fires which factions
have kindled, under the pretence of Reforming._

_As thou hast shewed the world by their divisions, and confusions,
what is the pravity of some mens intentions, and weaknesse of their
judgements; so bring us at last more refined out of these fires, by
the methods of Christian and charitable reformations; wherein nothing
of ambition, revenge, coveteousnes, or sacriledge, may have any
influence upon their counsels, whom thy providence in just and lawfull
wayes shall entrust with so great, good, and now most necessary a
work: That I and my people may be so blest with inward piety, as may
best teach us how to use the blessings of outward peace._

21. _Upon his Majesties Letters taken and divulged._

The taking of My Letters was an opportunity, which, as the malice of
Mine ENEMIES could hardly have expected; so they know not how with
honour and civility to use it: Nor do I thinke with sober and worthy
minds any thing in them, could tend so much to my reproach, as the
odious divulging of them did to the infamy of the Divulgers: The
greatest experiments of Vertue and Noblenesse being discovered in the
greatest advantages against an enemy, and the greatest obligations
being those, which are put upon us by them, from whom we could least
have expected them.

And such I should have esteemed the concealing of my Papers; the
freedom and secresie of which, commands a civility from all men, not
wholly barbarous; nor is there any thing more inhumane then to expose
them to publick view.

Yet since Providence will have it so, I am content so much of My heart
(which I study to approve to Gods omniscience) should be discovered
to the world without any of those dresses or popular captations which
some men use in their Speeches and Expresses; I wish My Subjects had a
cleerer sight into My most retired Thoughts.

Where they might discover, how they are divided between the love and
care I have, not more to preserve My own Rights, then to procure their
Peace and Happinesse, and that extreme grief to see them both deceiv'd
and destroyed.

Nor can any mens malice be gratified further by My Letters, than to
see my constancy to my Wife, the Laws, and Religion. Bees will gather
honey where the Spider sucks Poyson.

That I endeavour to avoid the pressures of my Enemies, by all fair
and just correspondences; no man can blame, who loves Me, or
the Common-wealth, since my Subjects can hardly be happy if I be
miserable, or enjoy their Peace and Liberties while I am oppressed.

The world may see how soon mens designe, like _Absoloms_, is by
enormous actions to widen differences, and exasperate all sides to
such distances, as may make all Reconciliation desperate.

Yet I thank God, I can not only with patience bear this, as other
indignities, but with charity forgive them.

The integrity of my intentions is not jealous of any injury my
expressions can do them, for although the confidence of privacy may
admit of greater freedome in writing such letters, which may be liable
to envious exceptions; yet the innocency of my chief purposes cannot
be so obtained, or mis-interpreted by them, as not to let all men see,
that I wish nothing more then a happy composure of differences with
Justice & Honor, nor more to My own, then My peoples content, who have
any sparks of Love or Loyalty left in them: who, by those my Letters
may be convinced that I can both mind and act My own, and My Kingdomes
Affaires, so as becomes a Prince; which Mine Enemies have alwayes been
very loth should be beleeved of me, as if I were wholly confined to
the Dictates and Directions of others; whom they please to brand with
the names of Evil Counsellours.

Its probable some men will now look upon me as my own Counsellour,
and having none else to quarrell with under that notion, they will
hereafter confine their anger to my self: Although I know they are
very unwilling I should enjoy the liberty of my own thoughts, or
follow the light of my own Conscience, which they labour to bring into
an absolute captivitie to themselves; not allowing me to think their
Counsels to be other then good for me, which have so long maintained a
War against Me.

The Victory they obtained that day, when my Letters became their
prize, had been enough to have satiated the most ambitious thirst
of popular glory among the Vulgar; with whom prosperity gaines the
greatest esteem and applause as adversity exposeth to their greatest
sleighting and dis-respect: As if good fortune were alwayes the shadow
of Vertue and Justice, and did not oftner attend vitious and injurious
actions, as to this world.

But I see no secular advantages seem sufficient to that cause, which
began with Tumults, and depends chiefly upon the reputation with the
vulgar.

They think no Victories so effectual to their designs, as those that
most rout and waste My Credit with My People; in whose hearts they
seek by all means to smother and extinguish all sparks of Love,
Respect and Loyaltie to Me, that they may never kindle again, so as to
recover Mine, the Laws & the Kingdoms Liberties, which some men
seek to overthrow: The taking away of my Credit, is but a necessary
preparation to the taking away of my Life and my Kingdoms; first
I must seem neither fit to Live, nor worthy to Reign: By exquisite
methods of cunning & crueltie, I must be compelled, first to follow
the Funerals of my Honor, and then be destroyed: But I know Gods
un-erring and impartial justice can & will over rule the most perverse
wils and designs of men; he is able, and (I hope) will turn even the
worst of mine Enemies thoughts and actions to my good.

Nor do I think, that by the surprize of my Letters, I have lost any
more then so many papers: how much they have lost of that reputation,
for Civility and Humanity (which ought to be paid to all men, and
most becomes such as pretend to Religion) besides that of Respect and
Honor, which they owe to their KING, present, and after-times will
judge. And I cannot think that their own consciences are so stupid,
as not to inflict upon them some secret impressions of that shame &
dishonor which attends all unworthy actions have they never so much of
publick flattery and popular countenance.

I am sure they can never expect the divine approbation of such
indecent actions, if they do but remember how God blest the modest
respect & filial tenderness which _Noah's_ Sons bare to their Father;
nor did his open infirmity justifie _Cham's_ impudency, or exempt him
from that curse of being _Servant of Servants_; which curse must needs
be on them who seek by dishonorable actions to please the Vulgar, and
confirm by ignoble acts, their dependance upon the People.

Nor can their malitious intentions be ever either excusable or
prosperous, who thought to expose me to the highest reproach &
contempt of my People, forgetting that duty of modest concealment
which they owed to the Father of their Country, in case they had
discovered any real uncomliness, which, I thank God they did not; who
can, and I believe hath made Me more respected in the hearts of many
(as he did _David_) to whom they thought, by publishing my private
Letters, to have rendred me as a vile Person, not fit to be trusted or
considered, under any Notion of Majesty.

_But thou, O Lord, whose wise and all disposing Providence ordereth
the greatest contingences of humane affairs, make me to see the
constancie of thy mercies to me, in the greatest advantages thou
seemest to give the malice of my Enemies against me._

_As thou didst blast the council of_ Achitophel _turning it to_ Davids
_good and his own ruine: so canst thou defeat their Designe, who
intended by publishing my private Letters, nothing else but to render
me more odious and contemptible to my People._

_I must first appeal to thy Omniscience, who canst witnesse my
integritie, how unjust and false those scandalous misconstructions
are, which my Enemies endevour by those papers of mine to represent
unto the world._

_Make the evil they imagined, and displeasure they intended thereby
against me, so to return on their own heads, that they may be ashamed,
and covered with their own confusion as with a cloak._

_Thou seest how mine Enemies use all means to cloud mine Honour, to
pervert my purposes, and to slander the footsteps of thine Annointed._

_But give me an heart content to be dishonoured for thy sake, and thy
Churches good._

_Fix in me a purpose to honour thee, and then I know thou wilt honour
me, either by restoring to me the enjoyment of that Power and Majesty,
which thou hast suffered some men to seek to deprive me of; or by
bestowing on me that Crown of Christian patience, which knows how to
serve thee in honour or dishonour, in good report or evil._

_Thou, O Lord, art the fountain of goodness and honour; thou art
cloathed with excellent Majesty; make me to partake of thy excellency
for wisdom, justice and mercy, and I shall not want that degree of
Honour and Majestie which becomes the Place in which thou hast set me;
who art the lifter up of my head, and my Salvation._

_Lord, by thy Grace, lead me to thy Glory, which is both true and
eternall._

22. _Upon His Majesties Leaving_ Oxford, _and going to the_ Scots.

Although God hath given me three Kingdoms, yet in these He hath not
now left me any place where I may with safety & Honor rest my head:
shewing me that himself is the safest Refuge, and the strongest Tower
of defence, in which I may put my trust.

In these extremities, I look not to man so much as to God: He will
have it thus, that I may cast my self, and my now distressed Affairs
upon his mercy, who hath both hearts and hands of all men in his
dispose.

What Providence denies to Force, it may grant to Prudence; Necessity
is now my Counsellor, and commands Me to study My safety by a
disguised withdrawing from my chiefest strength, and adventuring upon
their Loyalty, who first began my troubles. Happily, God may make them
a means honorable to compose them.

This my confidence of them, may dis-arm & overcom them; my rendring
my person to them, may engage their affection to me, who have oft
professed, _They fought not against me, but for me_.

I must now resolve the riddle of their Loyalty: and give them
opportunity to let the world see, they mean not what they do, but what
they say.

Yet must God be my chiefest Guard; and my Conscience both my
Counsellor and my Comforter: Though I put my body into their hands,
yet I shall reserve my soul to God and my self; nor shall any
necessities compell me, to desert mine honour, or swerve from my
Judgement.

What they fought to take by force, shall now be given them in such a
way of unusuall confidence of them, as may make them ashamed not to be
really such as they ought, and professed to be.

God sees it not enough to desert me of all Military power to defend my
Self, but to put me upon using their power, who seem to fight against
me, yet ought in duty to defend me.

So various are all humane affairs, & so necessitous may the state
of Princes be, that their greatest danger may be in their supposed
safety, and their safety in their supposed danger.

I must now leave those that have Adhered to me, and apply to those
that have Opposed me; this method of Peace may be more prosperous
then that of War, both to stop the effusion of bloud, & to close those
wounds already made: and in it I am no less solicitous for my Friends
safety, then mine own; chusing to venture my Self upon further
hazards, rather then expose their resolute Loyaltie to all
extremities.

It is some skil in play to know when a game is lost; better fairly to
give over, then to contest in vain.

I must now study to re-inforce my Judgment, and fortifie my mind
with Reason and Religion, that I may not seem to offer up my Souls
libertie, or make my Conscience their Captive; who ought at first to
have used Arguments, not Arms, to have perswaded my consent to their
demands.

I thank God, no success darkens or disguises Truth to me; and I shall
no less conform my words to my inward dictates now, then if they had
been as the words of a KING ought to be among loyal Subjects, _full of
power_.

Reason is the divinest power. I shall never think my Self weakned,
while I may make full and free use of that. No ecclipse of outward
Fortune shall rob me of that light: what God hath denied of outward
strength, his grace, I hope, will supply with inward resolutions; not
morositie to deny, what is fit to be granted; but not to grant any
thing which Reason and Religion bids me denie.

I shall never think my Self less then my Self, while I am able thus to
preserve the integrity of my Conscience, the only Jewel now left me,
which is worth keeping.

_O thou Soveraign of our Souls, the onely Commander of our
Consciences; though I know not what to do, yet mine eyes are toward
thee: To the protection of thy mercy I still commend my self._

_As thou hast preserved me in the day of Battell, so thou canst still
shew me thy strength in my weaknesse._

_Be thou unto me in my darkest night a pillar of fire, to enlighten
and direct me; in the day of my hottest affliction, be also a pillar
of cloud to over-shadow and protect me; be to me both a Sun and a
Shield._

_Thou knowest, that it is not any perverseness of will, but just
perswasions of Honour, Reason, and Religion, which have made me thus
far to hazard my Person, Peace, and Safetie, against those that by
force have sought to wrest them from me._

_Suffer not my just resolutions to abate with my outward Forces; let a
good Conscience alwaies accompany me in my solitude and desertions._

_Suffer me not to betray the powers of Reason, and that fortresse of
my Soul which I am entrusted to keep for thee._

_Lead me in the paths of thy righteousnesse, and shew me thy
salvation._

_Make my waies to please thee, and then thou wilt make mine enemies to
be at peace with me._

23. _Upon the_ Scots _delivering the_ KING _to the_ English, _and His
Captivity at_ Holmeby.

Yet may I justifie those _Scots_ to all the world in this. That they
have not deceived me; for I never trusted to them further then to men:
if I am sold by them, I am only sorry they should do it: and that My
price should be so much above My Saviors.

These are but further Essays which God will have Me make of mans
uncertainty, the more to fix Me on himself, who never faileth them
that trust in him; though the Reeds of _Ægypt_ break under the hand
of him that leans on them, yet the Rock of _Israel_ will be an
everlasting stay and defence.

Gods Providence commands Me to retire from all to himself, that in him
I may enjoy My Self, which I lose, while I let out My hopes to others.

The solitude & captivity to which I am now reduced, gives Me leisure
enough to study the worlds vanity and inconstancie.

God sees 'tis fit to deprive Me of Wife, Children, Armie, Friends, and
Freedom, that I may be wholly his, who alone is all.

I care not much to be reckoned among the Unfortunate, if I be not in
the black List of irreligious and sacrilegious Princes.

No Restraint shall ensnare my Soul in sin; nor gain that of me which
may make my Enemies more insolent, my Friends ashamed, or my Name
accursed.

They have no great cause to triumph, that they have got my Person into
their power; since my Soul is still my own: nor shall they ever gain
my Consent against my Conscience.

What they call obstinacie, I know God accounts honest constancie, from
which Reason and Religion, as well as Honor, forbid Me to recede.

'Tis evident now, that it was not Evil Counsellors with Me, but a good
Conscience in Me, which hath been fought against; nor did they ever
intend to bring Me to my Parliament, till they had brought My mind to
their obedience.

Should I grant what some men desire, I should be such as they with Me,
not more a King, and far less both Man and Christian.

What Tumults and Armies could not obtain, neither shall Restraint;
which though it have a little of safety to a Prince, yet it hath not
more of danger.

The fear of men shall never be my snare; nor shal the love of any
liberty entangle my soul: Better others betray me, then my self: and
that the price of my liberty should be my conscience; the greatest
injuries my Enemies seek to inflict upon me, cannot be without my own
consent.

While I can deny with Reason, I shall defeat the greatest impressions
of their malice, who neither know how to use worthily what I have
already granted; nor what to require more of me but this, That I would
seem willing to help them to destroy my self and mine.

Although they should destroy me, yet they shall have no cause to
despise me.

Neither liberty nor life are so dear to me, as the peace of my
Conscience, the Honor of my Crowns, and the welfare of my People;
which my word may injure more then any War can do; while I gratifie a
few to oppresse all.

The Laws wil by Gods blessing, revive, with the love and Loyaltie of
my Subjects; if I bury them not by my Consent, and cover them in that
grave of dishonor and injustice, which some mens violence hath digged
for them.

If my Captivity or Death must be the price of their redemption, I
grudge not to pay it.

No condition can make a King miserable, which carries not with it, his
Souls, his Peoples, and Posterities thraldom.

After-times may see, what the blindnesse of this Age will not; and
God may at length shew my Subjects, that I chuse rather to suffer for
them, then with them; happily I might redeem my self to some shew of
liberty, if I would consent to enslave them: I had rather hazard the
ruine of one King, then to confirm many Tyrants over them, from whom
I pray God deliver them, what ever becomes of me, whose solitude hath
not left me alone.

_For thou, O God, infinitely Good, and Great, art with me, whose
presence is better then life, and whose service is perfect freedom._

_Own me for thy Servant, and I shall never have cause to complain for
want of that liberty which becomes a Man, a Christian, and a King._

_Blesse me still with Reason, as a Man; with Religion, as a Christian;
and with constancie in Justice, as a King._

_Though thou sufferest me to be stript of all outward ornaments, yet
preserve me ever in those enjoyments wherein I may enjoy thy self; and
which cannot be taken from me against my will._

_Let no fire of affliction boile over my passion to any impatience or
sordid fears._

_There be many that say of me, There is no help for me: do thou lift
up the light of thy Countenance upon me, and I shall want neither
Safetie, Libertie, nor Majestie._

_Give me that measure of patience and constancie which my condition
now requires._

_My strength is scattered, my expectation from Men defeated, my Person
restrained: O be not thou far from me, lest my enemies prevail too
much against me._

_I am become a wonder, and a scorn to many: O be thou my helper and
defender._

_Shew some token upon me for good, that they that hate me may
be ashamed, because thou Lord, hast holpen and comforted me; for
establish me with thy free Spirit, that I may do and suffer thy will,
as thou wouldst have me._

_Be mercifull to me, O Lord, for my soul trusteth in thee: yea, and in
the shadow of thy wings will I make my refuge, untill these calamities
be over-past._

_Arise to deliver me, make no long tarrying, O my God. Though thou
killest me, yet will I trust in thy mercy, and my Saviours merit._

_I know that my Redeemer liveth; though thou leadest me through the
vail and shadow of death, yet shall I fear none ill._

24. _Upon their denying His Majestie the Attendance of His Chaplains._

When providence was pleased to deprive Me of all other civil comforts
and secular attendants, I thought the absence of them all might best
be supplied by the attendance of some of my Chaplains, whom for their
Function I reverence, and for their Fidelitie I have cause to love.
By their Learning, Pietie, and Praiers, I hoped to be either better
enabled to sustain the want of all other enjoyments, or better fitted
for the recovery and use of them in Gods good time; so reaping by
their pious help a spiritual harvest of grace amidst the thorns, and
after the plowings of temporal crosses.

The truth is, I never needed or desired more the service and
assistance of men judiciously pious, and soberly devout.

The solitude they have confined me unto, adds the wildernesse to my
temptations: For the company they obtrude upon me, is more sad then
any solitude can be.

If I had asked my Revenues, my power of the _Militia_, or any one of
my Kingdoms, it had bin no wonder to have been denied in those things,
where the evil policy of men forbids all just restitution, lest they
should confess an injurious usurpation: But to deny me the ghostly
comfort of my Chaplains seems a greater rigor & barbarity, then
is ever used by christians to the meanest prisoners, & greatest
malefactors, whom though the justice of the law deprive of worldly
comforts, yet the mercy of religion allows them the benefit of their
Clergy, as not aiming at once to destroy their Bodies, and to damn
their Souls.

But my agony must not be relieved with the presence of any one good
Angel; for such I account a learned, godly, and discreet Divine: and
such I would have all mine to be.

They that envie my being a King, are loth I should be a Christian:
while they seek to deprive me of all things else, they are afraid I
should save my Soul.

Other sense, Charity it self can hardly pick out of those many
harsh repulses I received, as to that request so often made for the
attendance of some of my Chaplains.

I have sometime thought the Unchristiannes of those denials might
arise from a displeasure some men had to see me prefer my own Divines
before their Ministers: whom, though I respect for that worth and
piety w^{ch} may be in them, yet I cannot think them so proper for any
present comforters or Physitians, Who have (some of them at least) had
so great an influence in occasioning these calamities, and inflicting
these wounds upon Me.

Nor are the soberest of them so apt for that devotional compliance,
and juncture of hearts, which I desire to bear in those holy Offices
to be performed with me, and for me; since their judgments standing
at a distance from me, or in jealousie of me, or in opposition against
me, their Spirits cannot so harmoniously accord with mine, or mine
with theirs, either in Prayer or other holy duties, as is meet, and
most comfortable; whose golden rule, and bond of Perfection consists
in that of mutual Love and Charitie.

Some remedies are worse then the disease, and some comforters more
miserable then misery it self; when like _Job's_ friends, they seek
not to fortifie ones minde with patience; but perswade a man by
betraying his own Innocency, to despair of Gods mercy; and by
justifying their injuries, to strengthen the hands, and harden the
heart of insolent Enemies.

I am so much a friend to all Church-men, that have any thing in them
beseeming that sacred Function, that I have hazarded my own interests,
chiefly upon Conscience and Constancie, to maintain their Rights; whom
the more I looked upon as Orphans, and under the sacrilegious eyes of
many cruell and rapacious Reformers; so I thought it my dutie the more
to appear as a Father, and a Patron for them and the Church. Although
I am very unhandsomly requited by some of them; who may live to repent
no lesse for My sufferings, then their own ungrateful errours, and
that injurious contempt and meannesse, which they have brought upon
their Calling and Persons.

I pity al of them, I despise none: only I thought I might have leave
to make choice of some for My special Attendance, who were best
approved in My Judgment & most sutable to My affection: For, I held
it better to seem undevout, and to hear no mans Praiers, then to be
forced, or seem to comply with those Petitions to which the heart
cannot consent, nor the tongue say _Amen_, without contradicting a
mans own understanding, or belying his own Soul.

In Devotions, I love neither profane boldnesse, nor pious non-sence;
but such an humble and judicious gravitie as shews the Speaker to be
at once considerate both of Gods Majestie, the Churches Honour, and
his own vilenesse; both knowing what things God allows him to ask, and
in what manner it becomes a sinner to supplicate the divine mercie for
himself, and others.

I am equally scandalised with all Praiers, that sound either
imperiously, or rudely, and passionately; as either wanting humilitie
to God, or charitie to men, or respect to the dutie.

I confess I am better pleased as with studied and premeditated
Sermons, so with such publick Forms of Praier, as are fitted to the
Churches and every Christians daily and common necessities; because I
am by them better assured, what I may join my heart unto, then I can
be of any mans extemporary sufficiencie: which as I do not wholly
exclude from publick occasions; so I allow its just libertie and use
in private and devout retirements; where neither the solemnities
of the dutie, nor the modest regards to others, do require so great
exactness as to the outward manner of performance; Though the light
of understanding, and the fervencie of affections I hold the main
and most necessarie requisites both in constant, and occasionall,
solitairie, and sociall Devotions.

So that I must needs seem to all equal minds with as much reason to
prefer the service of my own Chaplains before that of their Ministers,
as I do the Liturgie before their Directorie.

In the one I have been alwaies educated and exercised; In the other, I
am not yet Catechized, nor acquainted: And if I were, yet should I
not by that, as by any certain rule and Canon of Devotion, be able to
follow or find out the indirect extravagancies of most of those men,
who highly cry up that as a piece of rare composure and use, which
is already as much despised and disused by many of them, as the
Common-Prayer sometimes was by those men; a great part of whose Pietie
hung upon that popular pin of railing against, and contemning
the Government, and Liturgie of this Church. But, I had rather
be condemned to the wo of _Væ soli_, then to that of _Væ vobis
Hypocritæ_, by seeming to pray what I do not approve.

It may be, I am esteemed by my Denyers sufficient of my Self to
discharge my dutie to GOD as a Priest, though not to Men as a Prince.

Indeed, I think both Offices, Regal & Sacerdotal, might well become
the same Person; as anciently they were under one name, and the united
rights of primogeniture: nor could I follow better presidents, if I
were able, then those two eminent Kings, _David_ and _Solomon_; not
more famous for their Scepters and Crowns, then one was for devout
Psalms and Praiers; the other for his divine Parables and Preaching:
whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet, the other
of a Preacher. Titles indeed of greater honour, where rightly placed,
then any of those the Roman Emperors affected from the Nations they
subdued: it being infinitely more glorious to convert Souls to Gods
Church by the Word, then to conquer men to a subjection by the Sword.

Yet since the order of Gods wisdom and providence hath, for the
most part, alwaies distinguished the gifts and offices of Kings, of
Priests, of Princes and Preachers; both in the Jewish and Christian
Churches: I am sorry to find My self reduced to the necessity of being
both, or enjoying neither.

For such as seek to deprive Me of Kingly Power and Soveraigntie;
would no lesse enforce Me to live many Moneths without all Praiers,
Sacraments, and Sermons, unlesse I become My own Chaplain.

As I owe the Clergy the protection of a Christian KING, so I desire to
enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and prayers; which I look
upon as more prevalent then My own, or other mens; by how much they
flow from minds more enlightned, and affections lesse distracted, then
those which are encombered with secular affairs: besides, I think a
greater blessing and acceptablenes attends those duties, which
are rightly performed, as proper to, and within the limits of that
calling, to which God and the Church have specially designed and
consecrated some men: And however, as to that Spirituall government,
by which the devout Soul is subject to Christ, and through his merits
daily offers it self and its services to God, every private believer
is a King and a Priest, invested with the honour of a Royall Priest
hood; yet as to Ecclesiastical order, and the outward policy of the
Church, I think confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every
mans turning Priest or Preacher, as it will in the State, where every
one affects to rule as King.

I was always bred to more modest, and I think to more pious
Principles: the consciousness to my spirituall defects makes Me
more prize and desire those pious assistances, which holy and good
Ministers, either Bishops or Presbyters, may afford Me; especially in
these extremities, to which God hath been pleased to suffer some of my
Subjects to reduce me; so as to leave them nothing more, but my life
to take from Me: and to leave me nothing to desire, which I thought
might less provoke their jealousie and offence to deny Me, then this
of having some means afforded Me for my Souls comfort and support.

To which end I made choice of men, as no way (that I know) scandalous,
so every way eminent for their learning and piety, no less then for
their Loyalty: nor can I imagine any exceptions to be made against
them, but onely this, that they may seem too able, and too well
affected toward Me and My Service.

But this is not the first service (as I count it the best) in which
they have forced Me to serve my self; though I must confess I bear
with more grief and impatience the want of My Chaplains, then of My
other Servants; and next (if not beyond in some things) to the being
sequestred from My Wife and Children; since from these indeed more of
humane and temporary affections, but from those more of heavenly and
eternall improvements may be expected.

My comfort is, that in the enforced (not neglected) want of ordinary
means, God is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his Gifts and
Graces.

If his Spirit will teach me, and help my infirmities in prayer,
reading and meditation (as I hope he will) I shall need no other,
either Orator, or Instructer.

_To thee therefore, O my God, do I direct my now solitary Prayers;
what I want of others help, supply with the more immediate assistance
of thy Spirit, which alone can both enlighten my darknesse, and
quicken my dulnesse._

_O thou Sun of righteousness, thou sacred Fountain of heavenly light
and heat, at once cleer and warm my heart, both by instructing of
me, and interceding for me; In thee is all fulness, From thee all
sufficiency, By thee is all acceptance. Thou art companie enough, and
comfort enough; Thou art my King, be also my Prophet and my Priest.
Rule me, teach me, pray in me, for me; and be thou ever with me._

_The single wrestlings of_ Jacob _prevailed with thee in that sacred
Duel, when he had none to second him but thy selfe; who didst assist
him with power to overcome thee, and by a welcome violence to wrest a
blessing from thee._

_O look on me thy servant, in infinite mercy, whom thou didst once
blesse with the joynt and sociated Devotion of others, whose servency
might inflame the coldnesse of my affections towards thee: when
wee went to meet in thy House with the voice of joy and gladnesse,
worshipping thee in the unity of spirits, and with the bond of peace._

_O forgive the neglect, and not improving of those happy
opportunities._

_It is now thy pleasure that I should be as a Pelican in the
wildernesse, as a Sparrow on the house top, and as a coale scattered
from all those pious glowings and devout reflections, which might
best kindle, preserve, and increase the holy fire of thy Graces on
the Altar of my heart, whence the sacrifices of prayers and incense of
praises might be duly offered up to thee._

_Yet, O thou that breakest not the bruised reed nor quenchest the
smoaking flax, do not despise the weakness of my prayers, nor the
smotherings of my soul in this uncomfortable loannesse to which I am
constrained by some mens uncharitable denials of those helps, which I
much want, and no lesse desire._

_O let the hardness of their hearts occasion the softnings of mine
to thee, and for them. Let their hatred kindle my love, let their
unreasonable denials of my religious desires the more excite my
prayers to thee: Let their inexorable deafnesse incline thine ear to
me, who art a God easie to be intreated; thine ear is not heavie, that
it cannot, nor thy heart hard, that it will not hear, nor thy hand
shortned, that it cannot help me thy desolate Suppliant._

_Thou permittest men to deprive me of those outward means which thou
hast appointed in thy Church; but they cannot debarre me from the
communion of that inward grace, which thou alone breathest into humble
hearts._

_O make me such, and thou wilt teach me, thou wilt hear me, thou wilt
help me: The broken and contrite heart I know thou wilt not despise:
Thou, O Lord canst at once make me thy temple thy Priest, thy
Sacrifice, and thine Altar; while from an humble heart I (alone) daily
offer up in Holy Meditations, fervent Prayers, and unfeigned Tears, my
Self to thee; who preparest me for thee, dwellest in me and acceptest
of me._

_Thou, O Lord, didst cause by secret supplies and miraculous
infusions, that the handful of meal in the vessel should not spend,
nor the little oyl in the cruise fail the widow, during the time of
drought and dearth._

_O look on my soul, which as a widow, is now desolate and forsaken:
Let not those saving truths I have formerly learned now fail my
memory; nor the sweet effusions of thy Spirit, which I have sometime
felt, now be wanting to my heart in this famine of ordinary and
wholsom food for the refreshing of my soul._

_Which yet I had rather chuse then to feed from those hands who mingle
my bread with ashes, and my wine with gall, rather tormenting, then
teaching me; whose mouths are proner to bitter reproaches of me, then
to hearty prayers for me._

_Thou knowest, O Lord of truth, how oft they wrest thy holy Scriptures
to my destruction, (which are clear for their subjection, and my
preservation) O let it not be to their damnation._

_Thou knowest how some men (under colour of long prayers) have sought
to devour the houses of their Brethren, their King, and their God. O
let not those mens balms break my head, nor their Cordials oppress my
heart, I will evermore pray against their wickedness._

_From the poyson under their tongues, from the snares of their lips,
from the fire, and the swords of their words ever deliver me, O Lord,
and all those loyal and religious hearts, who desire and delight in
the prosperity of my soul, and who seek by their prayers to relieve
this sadness and solitude of thy servant, O my King and my God._

25. Penitential Meditations and Vows in the Kings solitude at
_Holmby_.

_Give ear to my words, O Lord, consider my Meditation, and hearken to
the voyce of my cry, my King and my God, for unto thee will I pray._

_I said in my haste, I am cast out of the sight of thine eyes;
nevertheless, thou hearest the voyce of my supplication, when I cry
unto thee._

_If thou, Lord, shouldst be extream to mark what is done amiss,
who can abide it? But there is mercy with thee, that thou mayest be
feared; therefore shall sinners flie unto thee._

_I acknowledg my sins before thee, which have the aggravation of my
condition; the eminencie of my place, adding weight to my offences._

_Forgive, I beseech thee, my personal, and my peoples sins; which are
so far mine, as I have not improved the power thou gavest me, to thy
glorie, and my Subjects good: Thou hast now brought me from the glorie
and freedom of a King, to be a Prisoner to my own Subjects. Justlie,
O Lord, as to thy over-ruling hand, because in many things I have
rebelled against thee._

_Though thou hast restrained my person, yet enlarg my heart to thee, &
thy grace towards me._

_I come far short of_ Davids __pietie; yet since I may equal Davids
_afflictions, give me also the comforts, and the sure mercies of_
David.

_Let the penitent sense I have of my sins, be an evidence to me, that
thou hast pardoned them._

_Let not the evils, which I and my Kingdoms have suffered seem little
unto thee, though thou hast not punished us according to our sins._

_Turn thee (O Lord) unto me; have mercy upon me, for I am desolate and
afflicted._

_The sorrows of my heart are enlarged: O bring thou me out of my
troubles._

_Hast thou forgotten to be gracious, and shut up thy loving kindness
in displeasure?_

_O remember thy compassions of old, and thy loving kindesses, which
have been for many generations._

_I had utterly fainted, if I had not believed to see thy goodnesse in
the land of the living._

_Let not the sins of our prosperitie deprive us of the benefit of thy
afflictions._

_Let this fiery triall consume the drosse which in long peace and
plentie we had contracted._

_Though thou continuest miseries, yet withdraw not thy grace; what is
wanting of prosperitie, make up in patience and repentance._

_And if thy anger be not to be yet turned away, but thy hand of
Justice must be stretched out still: Let it, I beseech thee, be
against me, and my Fathers house; as for these sheep, what have they
done?_

_Let my sufferings satiate the malice of mine, and thy Churches
enemies._

_But let their crueltie never exceed the measure of my charitie._

_Banish from me all thoughts of Revenge, that I may not lose the
reward, nor thou the glorie of my patience._

_As thou givest me an heart to forgive them, so I beseech thee, do
thou forgive what they have done against thee and me._

_And now, O Lord, as thou hast given me an heart to pray unto thee; so
hear and accept this Vow which I make before thee._

_If thou wilt in mercie remember Me, and my Kingdoms; In continuing
the light of thy Gospel, and settling thy true Religion among us:_

_In restoring to us the benefits of the Laws, and the due execution of
Justice:_

_In suppressing the many schismes in Church, and Factions in State:_

_If thou wilt restore me and mine to the Ancient rights and glory of
my Predecessors:_

_If thou wilt turn the hearts of my people to thy self in Pietie, to
me in Loyaltie, and to one another in Charitie:_

_If thou wilt quench the flames, and withdraw the fewell of these
Civill Wars:_

_If thou wilt bless us with the freedom of Publike Counsels, and
deliver the Honour of Parliaments from the insolency of the vulgar:_

_If thou wilt keep me from the great offence of enacting any thing
against my Conscience: and especially for consenting to sacrilegious
rapines, and spoilings of thy Church:_

_If thou wilt restore me to a capacity to glorifie thee in doing good,
both to the Church and State:_

_Then shall my soul praise thee, and Magnifie thy name before my
people._

_Then shall thy glorie be dearer to me then my Crown; and the
advancement of true Religion both in puritie and power be my chiefest
care._

_Then will I rule my People with justice, and my Kingdoms with
equity:_

_To thy more immediate hand shal I ever own as the rightfull
succession, so the mercifull restauration of my Kingdoms, and the
glorie of them._

_If thou wilt bring me again with Peace safetie and honour, to my
chiefest City and my Parliament:_

_If thou wilt again put the Sword of Justice into my hand to punish
and protect:_

_Then will I make all the world to see, and my very Enemies to enjoy
the benefit of this Vow and resolution of Christian charitie, which I
now make unto thee O Lord._

_As I do freely pardon for Christ's sake those that have offended me
in any kind; so my hand shall never be against any man to revenge what
is past, in regard of any particular injurie done to me._

_We have been mutually punished in our unnaturall divisions, for thy
sake O Lord, and for the love of my Redeemer have I purposed this
in my heart, That I will use all means in the waies of amnesty, and
indempnitie; which may most fullie remove all feares, and burie all
jealousies in forgetfulnesse._

_Let thy mercies be towards me and mine, as my resolutions of Truth
and Peace are towards my people._

_Hear my praier O Lord, which goeth not out of feigned lips._

_Blessed be God, who hath not turned away my prayer, or taken his
mercy from me._

_O my soul commit thy way to the Lord, trust in him and he shall bring
it to pass_.

_But if thou wilt not restore me and mine, what am I that I should
charge thee foolishly?_

_Thou, ô Lord hast given, and thou hast taken, Blessed be thy name._

_May my people and thy Church be happie if not by me, yet without me._

26. _Upon the Armies surprisall of the King at_ Holmby, _and the
ensuing distractions in the two Houses, the Army, and the City._

What part God will have me now to act or suffer in this new and
strange scene of affaires, I am not much solicitous; some little
practise will serve that man, who only seeks to represent a part of
honesty and honour.

This surprize of me tels the world, that a KING cannot be so low, but
he is considerable, adding weight to that party where he appears.

This motion, like others of the Times, seems excentrique and
irregular, yet not well to be resisted or quieted: Better swim down
such a stream, then in vain to strive against it.

These are but the struglings of those twins, which lately one womb
enclosed, the younger striving to prevail against the elder; what the
Presbyterians have hunted after, the Independents now seek to catch
for themselves.

So impossible it is for lines to be drawn from the center, and not to
divide from each other, so much the wider, by how much they go farther
from the point of union.

That the Builders of Babel should from division fall to confusion, is
no wonder; but for those that pretend to build Jerusalem, to divide
their tongues and hands, is but an ill Omen; and sounds too like the
fury of those Zealots, whose intestine bitterness and divisions were
the greatest occasion of the last fatall destruction of that Citie.

Well may I change my Keepers and Prison, but not my captive condition,
onely with this hope of bettering, that those who are so much
professed Patrons for the Peoples Liberties, cannot be utterly against
the Liberty of their KING; what they demand for their own Consciences,
they cannot in Reason deny to mine.

In this they seem more ingenuous, then the Presbyterian rigour, who
sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to laws, are
become the greatest Exactours of other mens submission to their novel
injunctions, before they are stamped with the Authority of Laws, which
they cannot well have without my Consent.

'Tis a great argument, that the Independents think themselves
manumitted from their Rivals service, in that they carry on a
businesse of such consequence, as the assuming my Person into the
Armies custody, without any commission, but that of their own will
and power. Such as will thus adventure on a KING, must not be thought
over-modest, or timerous to carry on any designe they have a mind to.

Their next motion menaces, and scares both the two Houses and
the City: which soon after acting over again that former part of
Tumultuary motions, (never questioned, punished or repented) must now
suffer for both; and see their former sin in the glasse of the present
terrours and distractions.

No man is so blinde as not to see herein the hand of divine Justice;
They that by Tumults first occasioned the raising of Armies, must now
be chastned by their own Army for new Tumults.

So hardly can men be content with one sin, but add sin to sin, till
the later punish the former; such as were content to see Me and many
Members of both Houses driven away by the first unsuppressed Tumults,
are now forced to flie to an Armie or defend themselves against them.

But who can unfold the riddle of some mens justice? The Members of
both Houses who at first withdrew (as my Self was forced to do) from
the rudeness of the Tumults, were counted Deserters, and outed of
their places in Parliament.

Such as stayed then, and enjoyed the benefit of the Tumults, were
asserted for the onely Parliament-men: now the Fliers from, and
Forsakers of their Places, carry the Parliamentary power along with
them; complain highly against the Tumults, and vindicate themselves by
an Armie: such as remained and kept their stations, are looked upon as
Abettors of Tumultuary Insolencies, and Betrayers of the Freedom and
Honour of Parliament.

Thus is Power above all Rule, Order, and Law; where men look more to
present Advantages then their Consciences, and the unchangeable
rules of Justice; while they are Judges of others, they are forced to
condemn themselves.

Now the plea against Tumults holds good, the Authours and Abettors of
them are guiltie of prodigious insolencies; when as before they were
counted as Friends, and necessary Assistants.

I see Vengeance pursues and overtakes (as the Mice and Rats are said
to have done the Bishop in _Germanie_) them that thought to have
escaped, and fortified themselves most impregnably against it, both by
their multitude and compliance.

Whom the Laws cannot, God will punish by their own crimes and hands.

I cannot but observe this divine Justice, yet with sorrow and pity;
for, I always wished so well to Parliament and Citie, that I was
sorry to see them do or suffer any thing unworthy such great and
considerable Bodies in this Kingdom.

I was glad to see them onely scared and humbled, not broken by that
shaking: I never had so ill a thought of those Cities, as to despair
of their Loyaltie to Me; which mistakes might eclipse, but I never
beleeved malice had quite put out.

I pray God the storm be yet wholly passed over them, upon whom I look
as Christ did sometime over _Jerusalem_, as objects of my prayers and
tears, with compassionate grief, foreseeing those severer scatterings
which will certainly befall such as wantonly refuse to be gathered
to their duty: fatall blindnesse frequently attending and punishing
wilfulnesse, so that men shall not be able at last to prevent their
sorrows, who would not timely repent of their sins; nor shall they
be suffered to enjoy the comforts, who securely neglect the counsels
belonging to their peace. They will finde that brethren in iniquitie
are not far from becoming insolent Enemies, there being nothing harder
then to keep ill men long in one minde.

Nor is it possible to gain a fair period for those notions which go
rather in a round and circle of fansie, then in a right line of reason
tending to the Law, the onely center of publike consistency; whither I
pray God at last bring all sides.

Which will easily be done, when we shall fully see how much more
happie we are, to be subject to the known Laws, then to the various
wils of any men, seem they never so plausible at first.

Vulgar compliance with any illegal and extravagant wayes, like
violent motions in nature, soon grows weary of itself, and ends in a
refractory sullennesse: Peoples rebounds are oft in their faces, who
first put them upon those violent strokes.

For the Army (which is so far excusable, as they act according to
Souldiers principles, and interests, demanding pay and indemnity) I
think it necessary, in order to the publike peace, that they should be
satisfied, as far as is just; no man being more prone to consider them
then my Self: though they have fought against Me, yet I cannot but so
far esteem that valour and gallantry they have sometime shewed, as to
wish I may never want such men to maintain my Self, my Laws, and my
Kingdoms, in such a peace, as wherein they may enjoy their share and
proportion, as much as any men.

_But thou, O Lord, who art perfect Unity in a sacred Trinity, in mercy
behold those whom thy Justice hath divided._

_Deliver me from the strivings of my People, and make Me to see how
much they need my prayers and pity, who agreed to fight against me,
and yet are now ready to fight against one another, to the continuance
of my Kingdoms distractions._

_Discover to all sides the ways of peace from which they have swerved:
which consists not in the divided wils of Parties, but in the point
and due observation of the Laws._

_Make me willing to go whither thou wilt lead me by thy providence;
and be thou ever with me, that I may see thy constancy in the worlds
varieti and changes._

_Make me even such as thou wouldst have Me, that I may at last enjoy
that safetie and tranquillity which thou alone canst give Me._

_Divert, I pray thee, O Lord, thy heavie wrath justly hanging over
those populous Cities, whose plenty is prone to add fewel to their
luxurie, their wealth to make them wanton, their multitudes tempting
them to securitie, and their securitie exposing them to unexpected
miseries._

_Give them eys to see, hearts to consider, wils to embrace, and
courage to act those things which belong to thy glorie, and the
publique Peace, lest their calamitie come upon them as an armed man._

_Teach them that they cannot want Enemies who abound in sin; nor
shall they be long un-disarmed and un-destroyed, who with an high hand
persisting to fight against Thee, and the cleer convictions of their
own Consciences, fight more against themselves, then ever they did
against Me._

_Their sins exposing them to thy Justice, their riches to others
injuries, their number to Tumults, and Tumults to confusion._

_Though they have with much forwardnesse helped to destroy Me; yet let
not my fall be their ruine._

_Let Me not so much consider, hither what they have done, or I have
suffered [chiefly at first, by them] as to forget to imitate my
crucified Redeemer, to plead their ignorance for their pardon; and in
my dying extremities to pray to Thee, O Father, to forgive them, for
they know not what they did._

_The tears they have denied me in my saddest condition, give them
grace to bestow upon themselves; who the lesse they were for me, the
more cause they have to weep for themselves._

_O let not my blood be upon them and their Children, whom the fraud
and faction of some, not the malice of all, have excited to crucifie
me._

_But thou, O Lord, canst and wilt (as thou didst my Redeemer) both
exalt and perfect me by my sufferings, which have more in them of thy
Mercie, then of mans Crueltie, or thy own Justice._

27. _To the Prince of_ Wales.

Son, If these Papers with some others, wherein I have set down the
private reflections of my Conscience, and my most impartiall thoughts
touching the chief passages, which have been most remarkable or
disputed in my late troubles, come to your hands, to whom they are
chiefly designed; they may be so far usefull to you, as to state your
judgement aright in what hath passed; whereof a pious is the best use
can be made; and they may also give you some directions, how to remedy
the present distempers, and prevent (if God will) the like for time to
come.

It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of my long
restraint, when I find my leisure and solitude have produced something
worthy of my self, and usefull to you; That neither You nor any other
may hereafter measure my Cause by the Successe, nor my judgment of
things by my Misfortunes, which I count the greater by far, because
they have so far lighted upon you and some others whom I have most
cause to love as well as my self, and of whose unmerited sufferings I
have a greater sense then of Mine own.

[Illustration: Natus May 29 An^o 1630 Ætatis suæ]

But this advantage of wisdom You have above most Princes, that You
have begun, and now spent some years of discretion, in the experience
of troubles, and exercise of patience, wherein Piety, and all Vertues,
both Morall and Politicall, are commonly better planted to a thriving
(as trees set in winter) then in the warmth, and serenity of times,
or amidst those delights, which usually attend Princes Courts in times
of peace and plenty, which are prone, either to root up all plants of
true Vertue and Honour, or to be contented only with some leaves, and
withering formalities of them, without any reall fruits, such as tend
to the publique good, for which Princes should alwaies remember they
are born, and by providence designed.

The evidence of which different education the holy Writ affords us in
the contemplation of _David_ and _Rehoboam_: The one prepared by
many afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom, the other softned by the
unparaleld prosperity of Solomons Court, and so corrupted to the great
diminution, both for Peace, Honor, and Kingdom, by those flatteries,
which are as unseparable from prosperous Princes, as Flies are from
fruit in summer; whom adversitie, like cold weather, drives away.

I had rather you should be _Charles le Bon_, then _le Grand_, good
then great. I hope God hath designed you to be both, having so early
put you into that exercise of his Graces, and gifts bestowed upon you,
which may best weed out all vitious inclinations, and dispose you to
those Princely endowments, and employments, which will most gain the
love, and intend the welfare of those, over whom God shall place you.

With God I would have you begin and end, who is King of Kings; the
Soveraign disposer of the Kingdomes of the world, who pulleth down
one, and setteth up another.

The best Government, and highest Soveraignty you can attain to, is, to
be subject to him, that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit, may rule
in your heart.

The true glory of Princes consists in advancing Gods Glory in the
maintenance of true Religion, and the Churches good; Also in the
dispensation of civil Power, with Justice and Honour to the publique
peace.

Pietie will make you prosperous; at least it will keep you from being
miserable; nor is he much a loser, that loseth all, yet saveth his own
soul at last.

To which Center of true happiness, God, I trust, hath and will
graciously direct all these black lines of affliction, which he hath
been pleased to draw on me, and by which he hath [I hope] drawn me
nearer to himself. You have already tasted of that Cup whereof I have
liberally drank, which I look upon as Gods Physick, having that in
healthfulness which it wants in pleasure.

Above all, I would have you, as I hope you are already, wel-grounded
and setled in your Religion: The best profession of which, I have
ever esteemed that of the church of England, in which you have been
educated; yet I would have your own Judgment and Reason now seal
to that sacred bond which education hath written, that it may
be judiciously your owne Religion, and not other mens custome or
tradition, which you profess.

In this I charge you to persevere, as comming nearest to Gods Word
for Doctrine, and to the primitive examples for Government, with some
little amendment, which I have otherwhere expressed and often offered,
though in vain. Your fixation in matters of Religion will not be more
necessary for your soul's then your Kingdoms peace, when God shall
bring you to them.

For I have observed, that the Devill of Rebellion, doth commonly turn
himself into an Angel of Reformation; and the old Serpent can pretend
new Lights; when some mens Consciences accuse them for Sedition and
Faction, they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion; when
Pietie pleads for peace and patience, they cry out Zeal.

So that, unless in this point You be well setled, you shall never want
temptations to destroy you and yours, under pretensions of reforming
matters of Religion; for that seems even to worst men, as the best and
most auspicious beginning of their worst designs.

Where, besides the Noveltie which is taking enough with the Vulgar,
every one hath an affectation, by seeming forward to an outward
Reformation of Religion, to be thought zealous, hoping to cover those
irreligious deformities, wherto they are conscious, by a severity of
censuring other mens opinions or actions.

Take heed of abetting any Factions, or applying to any publick
Discriminations in matters of Religion, contrary to what is in your
Judgement and the Church well setled: your partiall adhering, as head,
to any one side gaines you not so great advantages in some mens hearts
(who are prone to be of their kings Religion) as it loseth you in
others, who think themselves, and their profession first despised,
then persecuted by you. Take such a course as may either with calmness
& charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences, by
impartiality, or so order affairs in point of power that you shal not
need to fear or flatter any faction; for if ever you stand in need of
them, or must stand to their curtesie, you are undon: The Serpent will
devour the Dove: you may never expect less of Loyaltie, Justice or
humanity, then from those who engage into religious Rebellion: Their
interest is always made Gods; under the colours of piety, ambitious
policies march, not onely with greatest security, but applause, as to
the Populacy; you may hear from them _Jacob's_ voice, but you shall
feel they have _Esau_'s hands.

Nothing seemed less considerable then the Presbyterian Faction in
_England_, for many yeers; so complyant they were to publique order:
nor indeed was their Party great, either in Church or State, as to
mens judgements: But as soon as discontents drave men into Sidings (as
ill humors fall to the disaffected part, which causes inflammations)
so did all, at first, who affected any novelties, adhere to that side,
as the most remarkable and specious note of difference (then) in point
of Religion.

All the lesser Factions at first were officious servants to Presbytery
their great Master: till time and military success discovering to each
their peculiar advantages, invited them to part stakes, and leaving
the joynt stock of uniform Religion, pretended each to drive for
their Party, the trade of profits and preferments, to the breaking and
undoing not onely of the Church and State, but even of Presbytery it
self, which seemed and hoped at first to have engrossed all.

Let nothing seem little or despicable to you, in matters which concern
Religion, and the Churches peace, so as to neglect a speedy reforming
and effectual suppressing Errors, and Schisms, which seem at first but
as a hand-bredth, but by seditious Spirits as by strong winds are soon
made to cover and darken the whole Heaven.

When you have done justice to God, your own soul and his Church, in
the profession and preservation both of truth and unitie in Religion.
The next main hinge on which your prosperitie will depend, and move,
is, That of civil Justice, wherein the setled Laws of these Kingdoms,
to which you are rightly heir, are the most excellent rules you
can govern by; which by an admirable temperament give very much to
Subjects industry, libertie, and happiness; and yet reserve enough
to the Majestie and Prerogative of any King, who owns his people
as Subjects, not as slaves; whose subjection, as it preserves their
propertie, peace, and safetie; so it will never diminish your Rights,
nor their ingenuous Liberties; which consists in the enjoyment of
the fruits of their industry, and the benefit of those Laws to which
themselves have consented.

Never charge your Head with such a Crown, as shall by its heaviness
oppress the whole body, the weakness of whose parts cannot return
any thing of strength, honor, or safety, to the Head, but a necessary
debilitation and ruine.

Your Prerogative is best shewed, and exercised in remitting, rather
then exacting the rigor of the Laws, there being nothing worse, then
legal tyrannie.

In these two points, the preservation of established Religion and
Laws, I may (without vanity) turn the reproach of my sufferings, as to
the worlds censure, into the honor of a kinde of Martyrdom, as to the
testimony of my own Conscience. The troublers of my Kingdoms having
nothing else to object against me but this, That I prefer Religion,
and Laws established, before those alterations they propounded.

And so indeed I do, and ever shall, till I am convinced by better
Arguments, then what hitherto have been chiefly used towards me,
Tumults, Armies, and Prisons.

I cannot yet learn that lesson, nor I hope ever will you, That it is
safe for a King to gratifie any Faction with the perturbation of the
Laws, in which is wrapt up the publike Interest, and the good of the
communitie.

How God will deal with me, as to the removal of these pressures, and
indignities, which his justice by the very unjust hands of some of my
Subjects, hath been pleased to lay upon me, I cannot tell: nor am I
much solicitous what wrong I suffer from men, while I retain in my
soul, what I believe is right before God.

I have offered all for Reformation and Safety, that in Reason, Honor
and Conscience, I can; reserving onely what I cannot consent unto,
without an irreparable injury to my own soul, the Church, and
my people, and to you also; as the next and undoubted Heir of my
Kingdoms.

To which, if the divine Providence, to whom no difficulties are
insuperable, shall in his due time after my decease bring you, as I
hope he will: My Counsel and Charge to you, is, That you seriously
consider the former real or objected miscarriages, which might
occasion my troubles, that you may avoyd them.

Never repose so much upon any mans single counsel, fidelity, and
discretion, in managing affairs of the first magnitude, (that is,
matters of Religion and Justice) as to create in your self, or others,
a diffidence of your own judgment, which is likely to be always more
constant and impartial to the interest of your Crown and Kingdom then
any mans.

Next, beware of exasperating any Factions by the crossness, and
asperity of some mens passions, humors, or private opinions, imployed
by you, grounded onely upon the differences in lesser matters, which
are but the skirts and suburbs of Religion.

Wherein a charitable connivence and Christian toleration often
dissipates their strength, whom rougher opposition fortifies; and puts
the despised and oppressed party, into such Combinations, as may
most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their
Persecutors, who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commiseration,
which attends all, that are said to suffer under the notion of
Religion.

Provided the differences amount not to an insolent opposition of Laws,
and Government, or Religion established, as to the essentials of them,
such motions and minings are intolerable.

Alwaies keep up solid piety, and those fundamental Truths (which mend
both hearts and lives of men) with impartial Favour and Justice.

Take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of Religion
devoure not all, or the best incouragements of learning, industry, and
piety; but with an equal eye and impartial hand, distribute Favours
and Rewards to all men, as you find them for their real goodnesse both
in abilities and fidilitie worthy and capable of them.

This will be sure to gain you the hearts of the best and the most
too: who though they be not good themselves, yet are glad to see the
severer ways of vertue at any time sweetned by temporall rewards.

I have, You see, conflicted with different and opposite Factions
(for so I must needs call and count all those that act not in any
conformity to the Laws established in Church and State;) no sooner
have they by force subdued what they counted their common Enemy (that
is, all those that adhered to the Laws, and to Me) and are secured
from that fear, but they are divided to so high a rivalry, as sets
them more at defiance against each other, then against their first
Antagonists.

Time will dissipate all Factions, when once the rough horns of private
mens covetous and ambitious designes shall discover themselves;
which were at first wrapt up and hidden under the soft and smooth
pretensions of Religion, Reformation and Liberty. As the Wolf is not
less cruell, so he wil be more justly hated, when he shall appear no
better then a Wolf under Sheeps cloathing.

But as for the seduced Train of the Vulgar, who in their simplicity
follow those disguises; My Charge and Counsell to You, is, That as you
need no palliations for any Designes, (as other men) so that you study
really to exceed [in true and constant demonstrations of goodness,
piety, and vertue towards the people] even all those men that make the
greatest noise and ostentations of Religion; so you shall neither fear
any detection (as they do who have but the face and mask of goodness)
nor shall you frustrate the just expectations of your people; who
cannot in Reason promise themselves so much good from any Subjects
novelties, as from the vertuous constancy of their King.

When these mountains of congealed Factions shall by the Sun-shine
of Gods Mercy, and the splendor of your Vertues, be thawed and
dissipated; and the abused Vulgar shall have learned, that none are
greater Oppressours of their Estates, Liberties, and Consciences, then
those men that intitle themselves The Patrons and Vindicators of them,
only to usurp power over them: Let then no passion betray You to any
study of revenge upon those, whose own sin and folly will sufficiently
punish them in due time.

But as soon as the forked arrow of factious emulations is drawn out,
use all Princely arts and clemency to heal the wounds; that the smart
of the cure may not equall the anguish of the hurt.

I have offered Acts of Indemnity and Oblivion to so great a latitude,
as may include all, that can but suspect themselves to be any way
obnoxious to the Laws; and which might serve to exclude al future
jealousies and insecurities.

I would have You alwaies propense to the same way, when ever it shall
be desired and accepted, let it be granted, not only as an Act of
State-policie and necessitie, but of Christian charitie and choice.

It is all I have now left Me, a power to forgive those that have
deprived Me of all; and I thank God, I have a heart to do it, and joy
as much in this grace, which God hath given Me, as in all My former
enjoyments; for this is a greater argument of Gods love to Me, then
any prosperitie can be.

Be confident (as I am) that the most of all sides, who have done
amiss, have done so, not out of malice, but mis-information, or
mis-apprehension of things.

None will be more loyal and faithful to Me and You, then those
Subjects, who sensible of their Errors, and our Injuries, will feel
in their own Souls most vehement motives to repentance, and earnest
desires to make some reparations for their former defects.

As Your qualitie sets You beyond any Duel with any Subject, so
the Nobleness of Your mind must raise You above the meditating any
revenge, or executing Your anger upon the many.

The more conscious You shall be to Your Own Merits upon Your people,
the more prone You will be to expect all love and loyalty from them,
and to inflict no punishment upon them for former miscarriages: You
will have more inward complacency in pardoning one, then in punishing
a thousand.

This I write to You, not despairing of Gods Mercy, and My Subjects
Affections towards You, both which, I hope You will study to deserve,
yet We cannot merit of God, but by his own mercy.

If God shall see fit to restore Me, and You after Me, to those
enjoyments, which the Laws have assigned to Us, and no Subjects
without an high degree of guilt and sin can devest Us of, then may I
have better opportunity, when I shall be so happy to see You in peace,
to let You more fully understand the things that belong to Gods glory,
Your own honor, and the Kingdoms peace.

But if You never see My face again, and God will have me buried in
such a barbarous Imprisonment & obscurity, [which the perfecting some
mens designs requires] wherin few hearts that love Me are permitted
to exchange a word, or a look with Me; I do require and entreat You as
Your Father, and Your KING that you never suffer your heart to
receive the least check against or disaffection from the true Religion
established in the Church of _England_.

I tell you I have tried it, and after much search, and many disputes,
have concluded it to be the best in the world, not only in the
Community, as Christian, but also in the speciall notion, as Reformed,
keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitious Tyranny, and
the meanness of fantastique Anarchy.

Not but that (the draught being excellent as to the main, both for
Doctrine and Government, in the Church of _England_) some lines, as
in very good figures, may happily need some sweetning, or polishing,
which might here have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand:
if some mens precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude
alterations, as would have quite destroyed all the beauty and
proportions of the whole.

The scandall of the late Troubles, which some may object, and urge
to you against the Protestant Religion established in _England_, is
easily answered to them, or your own thoughts in this; That scarce
any one who hath been a Beginner, or an active Prosecutor of this late
Warr against the Church, the Laws, and me, either was, or is a true
Lover, Embracer or practiser of the Protestant Religion established
in _England_ which neither gives such rules, nor ever before set such
examples.

'Tis true, some heretofore had the boldness to present threatning
Petitions to their Princes and Parliaments, which others of the same
Faction (but of worse Spirits) have now put in execution: but let not
counterfeit and disorderly Zeal abate your value and esteem of true
piety; both of them are to be known by their fruits; the sweetness
of the Vine and Fig-tree is not be despised, though the brambles and
thorns should pretend to bear figs and grapes, thereby to rule over
the trees.

Nor would I have you to entertain any aversation or dislike of
Parliaments, which in their right constitution with freedom and honour
will never injure or diminish your greatnesse; but will rather be as
interchangings of love, loyaltie and confidence betwen a Prince and
his People.

Nor would the events of this black Parliament have been other then
such (however much biassed by Factions in the Elections) if it
had been preserved from the insolencies of popular dictates, and
tumultuary impressions: The sad effects of which will no doubt make
all Parliaments after this, more cautious to preserve that Freedom
and Honour which belong to such Assemblies (when once they have
fully shaken off this yoak of Vulgar encroachment) since the publick
interest consists in the mutual and common good both of Prince and
People.

Nothing can be more happie for all, then in fair, grave, and
honourable waies to contribute their Councels in Common, enacting all
things by publick consent, without Tyrannie or Tumults. We must not
starve our selves, because some men have surfeited of wholesome food.

And if neither I, nor you, be ever restored to our Rights, but God
in his severest justice, will punish My Subjects with continuance in
their sin, and suffer them to be deluded with the prosperity of their
wickednesse; I hope God will give Me and You, that grace, which will
teach and enable Us, to want, as well as to wear a Crown, which is
not worth taking up, or enjoying upon sordid, dishonourable, and
irreligious terms.

Keep you to true Principles of Piety, vertue, and honour, You shall
never want a Kingdom.

A principal Point of Your honour will consist in Your referring all
respect, love, and protection to Your Mother, My Wife; who hath many
waies deserved well of Me, and chiefly in this, That having been
a means to bless me with so many hopeful Children; (all which, with
their Mother, _I_ recommend to Your love and care) Shee hath been
content with incomparable magnanimity and patience to suffer both for,
and with Me, and You.

My Prayer to God almightie is, (whatever becomes of me, who am _I_
thank God, wrapt up and fortified in my own innocency, and his Grace)
that he would be pleased to make You an Anchor, or Harbour rather, to
these tossed and weather-beaten Kingdoms; a Repairer by Your wisdom,
justice, piety, and valour, of what the folly and wickednesse of some
men have so far ruined, as to leave nothing intire in Church or State,
to the Crown, the Nobility, the Clergie, or the Commons, either as to
Laws, Liberties, Estates, Order, Honour, Conscience or lives.

When they have destroyed me, (for I know not how far God may
permit the malice and crueltie of my Enemies to proceed, and such
apprehensions some mens words and actions have already given me) as
_I_ doubt not but my bloud will cry aloud for vengeance to Heaven:
so I beseech God not to pour out his wrath upon the generality of the
people, who have either deserted me, or engaged against me, through
the artifice and hypocrisie of their Leaders, whose inward horrour
will be their first Tormentor, nor will they escape exemplary
judgements.

For those that loved me, I pray God, they may have no miss of me,
when I am gone; so much I wish and hope, that all good Subjects may be
satisfied with the blessings of your presence and vertues.

For those that repent of any defects in their duty toward me, as I
freely forgive them in the word of a Christian KING, so I beleeve you
will find them truly Zealous, to repay with interest that loyalty and
love to you, which was due to me.

In summe, what good I intended, do you perform, when God shall give
you power; much good I have offered, more I purposed to Church and
State, if times had been capable of it.

The deception will soon vanish, and the Vizards will fall off apace;
This mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion (for so it now plainly
appears, since my Restraint and cruell usage, that they fought not
for me, as was pretended) wil not long serve to hide some mens
deformities.

Happy times I hope, attend you, wherein your Subjects [by their
miseries] will have learned, That Religion to their God, and Loyalty
to their King, cannot be parted without both their sin and their
infelicity. I pray God bless you and establish your Kingdoms in
righteousness, your Soul in true Religion, and your honour in the love
of God and your people.

And if God will have disloyalty perfected by my destruction; let my
Memory ever, with my Name, live in you; as of your Father, that loves
you, and once a KING of three flourishing Kingdoms; whom God thought
fit to honour, not only with the Scepter and Government of them, but
also with the suffering many indignities and an untimely death for
them; while I studied to preserve the Rights of the Church, the Power
of the Laws, the Honour of my Crown, the Priviledge of Parliaments,
the Liberties of my People, and my own Conscience, which, I thank God,
is dearer to me then a thousand Kingdoms.

I know God can, I hope he yet will restore me to my Rights. I cannot
despair either of his mercy, or of my peoples love and pitie.

At worst, I trust I shall but go before you to a better Kingdom, which
God hath prepared for me, and me for it, through my Saviour Jesus
Christ, to whose mercies I commend You and all mine.

Farewell, till we meet, if not on Earth, yet in Heaven.

28. _Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Addresses, and
His_ Majesties _closer Imprisonment in_ Carisbrook-Castle.

As I have leisure enough, so I have cause more then enough, to
meditate upon, and prepare for My Death: for I know, there are but,
few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes.

It is Gods indulgence which gives me the space, but Mans cruelty that
gives Me the sad occasions for these thoughts.

For, besides the common burthen of mortalitie, which lies upon Me,
as a Man; I now bear the heavy load of other mens ambitions, fears,
jealousies, and cruel passions, whose envie or enmity against Me,
makes their own lives seem deadly to them, while I enjoy any part of
Mine.

I thank God, My prosperitie made Me not wholly a stranger to the
contemplations of mortalitie.

Those are never unseasonable, since this is alwaies uncertain: Death
being an eclipse, which oft happeneth as well in cleer as cloudy
dayes.

But My now long and sharp adversity hath so reconciled in Me those
natural Antipathies between Life and Death, which are in all men, that
I thank God, the common terrors of it are dispelled; and the special
horrour of it, as to My particular, much allayed: for although My
Death at present may justly be represented to Me with all those
terrible aggravations, which the policy of cruel and implacable
enemies can put upon it (affaires being drawn to the very dregs
of malice) yet I bless God, I can look upon all those stings, as
unpoysonous, though sharp; since My Redeemer hath either pulled them
out, or given Me the Antidote of his Death against them, which as to
the immaturity, injustice, shame, scorn, and cruelty of it, exceeded
what ever I can fear.

Indeed, I never did find so much, the life of Religion, the feast of
a good Conscience, and the brazen wall of a judicious integrity and
constancy, as since I came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts
of Death.

I am not so old, as to be wearie of life; nor (I hope) so bad, as to
be either afraid to die, or ashamed to live: true, I am so afflicted,
as might make Me sometime even desire to die, if I did not consider,
That it is the greatest glory of a Christians life to _die daily_,
in conquering by a lively faith, and patient hopes of a better life,
those partiall and quotidian deaths, which kill us (as it were)
by piece-meales, and make us overlive our own fates: while we are
deprived of health, honour, liberty, power, credit, safety, or estate;
and those other comforts of dearest relations, which are as the life
of our lives.

Though, as a KING, I think My self to live in nothing temporall so
much, as in the love and good-will of my People; for which, as I have
suffered many deaths, so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly
dead: notwithstanding; My Enemies have used all the poyson of falsity
and violence of hostility to destroy, first the love and Loyalty,
which is in my Subjects; and then all that content of life in me,
which from these I chiefly enjoyed.

Indeed, they have left me but little of life, and only the husk
and shell (as it were) which their further malice and cruelty can take
from me; having bereaved me of all those worldly comforts, for which
life it self seems desirable to men.

But, O my Soul! think not that life too long, or tedious, wherein God
gives thee any opportunities, if not to do, yet to suffer with such
Christian patience and magnanimity, in a good Cause, as are the
greatest honour of our lives, and the best improvement of our deaths.

_I_ know that in point of true Christian valor, it argues
pusillanimity to desire to dye out of weariness of life, and a want
of that heroick greatness of Spirit which becoms a Christian in the
patient and generous sustaining those afflictions, which as shadows
necessarily attend us, while we are in this body: and which are
lessned or enlarged as the Sun of our prosperity moves higher, or
lower: whose totall absence is best recompensed with the Dew of
Heaven.

The assaults of affliction may be terrible, like _Sampsons_ Lyon, but
they yeild much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcome
them; who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without
discontent or peevishness, while they may yet converse with God.

That _I_ must die as a man, is certain; that _I_ may die a King, by
the hands of my own Subjects, a violent, sodain, barbarous death; in
the strength of my years, in the midst of my Kingdoms; my Friends
and loving Subjects being helpless Spectators; my Enemies insolent
Revilers and Triumphers over me, living, dying, and dead, is so
probable in humane reason, that God hath taught me not to hope
otherwise as to mans crueltie; however, I despair not of Gods infinite
mercy.

I know my life is the Object of the devils & wicked mens malice, but
yet under Gods sole custodie and disposal: whom I do not think to
flatter for longer life by seeming prepared to die; but I humbly
desire to depend upon him, and to submit to his will both in life and
death, in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to me. I
confess it is not easie for me to contend with those many horrours
of Death, wherewith God suffers me to be tempted; which are equally
horrid, either in the suddennesse of a barbarous Assasination or in
those greater formalities, whereby my Enemies [being more solemnly
cruel] will, it may be, seek to adde [as those did who Crucified
Christ] the mockery of Justice, to the cruelty of malice: That I may
be destroyed, as with greater pomp and artifice, so with less pity,
will be but a necessary policie to make my Death appear as an Act of
Justice, done by subjects upon their Soveraign, who know that no Law
of God or Man invests them with any power of Judicature without me,
much lesse against me: and who, being sworn, and bound by all that is
sacred before God and man, to endeavour my preservation, must pretend
Justice to cover their perjury.

It is, indeed, a sad fate for any man to have his Enemies to be
Accusers, Parties, and Judges; but most desperate, when this is acted
by the insolence of Subjects against their Soveraign; wherein those,
who have had the cheifest hand, and are most guilty of contriving the
publick Troubles, must by shedding my bloud, seem to wash their own
hands of that innocent bloud whereof they are now most evidently
guilty before God and Man; and I beleeve in their own Consciences too,
while they carried on unreasonable Demands, First by Tumults, after
by Armies. Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly-cruel in managing
their usurped power against their lawful Superiours then this, the
_guilt of their unjust Usurpation_: notwithstanding those specious
& popular pretentions of Justice against Delinquents applied only to
disguise at first the monstrousnesse of their designs, who despaired,
indeed, of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard, till the
heir whose right it is, be cast out and slain.

With them My greatest fault must be, that I would not either destroy
My Self with the Church and State by My word, or not suffer them to do
it un-resisted by the Sword; whose covetous ambition no Concessions of
Mine could ever yet either satisfie, or abate.

Nor is it likely they will ever think, that Kingdom of brambles which
some men seek to erect (at once weak, sharp, and fruitlesse, either
to God or man) is like to thrive till watered with the Royal bloud of
those, whose right the Kingdom is.

Well, Gods will be done, I doubt not but my Innocencie will finde him
both my Protector and my Advocate, who is my only Judg; whom I own as
King of Kings, not onely for the eminency of his Power and Majestie
above them; but also for that singular care and protection which he
hath over them; who knows them to be exposed to as many dangers (being
the greatest patrons of Law, Justice, Order, and Religion on earth) as
there be either Men or Devils, which love confusion.

Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their _Babel_, who
build it with the bones, and cement it with the bloud of their Kings.

I am confident they will find Avengers of my death among themselves:
the injuries I have sustained from them shall be first punished by
them, who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing me.

Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my bloud, shall make them
think no way better to expiate it, then by shedding theirs, who with
them most thirsted after mine.

The sad confusions following my destruction, are already presaged and
confirmed to me by those I have lived to see since my troubles; in
which God alone (who only could) hath many ways pleaded my cause; not
suffering them to go unpunished, whose confederacy in sin was their
only security; who have cause to fear that God will both further
divide and by mutuall vengeance, afterward destroy them.

My greatest conquest of death is from the power and love of Christ,
who hath swallow'd up death in the Victory of his Resurection, and the
Glory of his Ascention.

My next comfort is, that he gives me not only the honour to imitate
his example in suffering for righteousness sake (though obscur'd by
the foulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice,) but also, that charity,
which is the noblest revenge upon, and victory over my Destroyers: By
which, I thank God, I can both forgive them and pray for them, that
God would not impute my blood to them, further then to convince them,
what need they have of Christs bloud to wash their souls from the
guilt of shedding mine.

At present, the will of mine Enemies seems to be their only rule,
their power the measure, and their Successe the Exactor, of what they
please to call Justice, while they flatter themselves with the fancy
of their own safety by my danger, and the security of their lives
designs by My Death: forgetting, That as the greatest temptations to
sin are wrapped up in seeming prosperities, so the severest vengeances
of God are then most accomplished, when men are suffered to compleat
their wicked purposes.

I bless God, I Pray not so much, that this bitter Cup of violent Death
may pass from Me, as that of his wrath may pass from al those, whose
hands by deserting Me, are sprinkled, or by Acting and Consenting to
My Death are embrued with My Bloud.

The will of God hath confined, and concluded Mine; I shall have the
pleasure of Dying, without any pleasure of desired vengeance.

This I think becomes a Christian toward his Enemies, and a King toward
His Subjects.

They cannot deprive Me of more then I am content to lose, when God
sees fit by their hands to take it from Me; whose mercy I beleive,
will more then infinitely recompence what ever by mans injustice, he
is pleased to deprive Me of.

The glory attending My Death, will far surpass all I could enjoy, or
conceive in life.

I shall not want the heavy and envyed Crowns of this world, when My
God hath mercifully Crowned and Consummated his graces with Glory,
and exchanged the shadows of My earthly Kingdoms among men, for the
substance of that Heavenlie Kingdom with himself.

For the censures of the world; I know the sharp and necessarie
tyrannie of My Destroyers will sufficiently confute the calumnies of
tyrannie against Me; I am perswaded I am happie in the judicious love
of the ablest and best of My Subjects, who do not only Pitie and Pray
for Me, but would be content even to die with Me, or for Me.

These know how to excuse My failings, as a man, and yet to retain
and pay their dutie to Me, as their King; there being no religious
necessitie binding any Subjects by pretending to punish, infinitely to
exceed the faults and errors of their Princes, especially there, where
more then sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the Publick; the
enjoyment of which, private ambitions have hitherto frustrated.

Others, I beleeve, of softer tempers, and less advantaged by My
ruine, do alreadie feel sharp convictions, and some remorse in their
Consciences: where they cannot but see the proportions of their evil
dealings against Me in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them,
who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and toes, having under
pretence of paring others nails bin so cruel as to cut off their
cheifest strength.

The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate, may be like that
of _Korah_ and his complices (at once mutining against both Prince and
Priest) in such a method of divine justice, as is not ordinary,
the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them, and
swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten, and worse
used Authority: upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended
for their building and establishing their designes against Me, the
Church and State.

My chiefest comfort in death consists in my peace, which I trust,
is made with GOD; before whose exact Tribunall I shall not fear to
appear, as to the Cause so long disputed by the Sword, between me and
my causelese Enemies, where I doubt not but his righteous Judgment
will confute their fallacy, who from worldly success (rather like
Sophisters, then sound Christians) draw those popular conclusions for
Gods approbation of their actions; whose wise providence (we know) oft
permits many events which his revealed word (the only clear, safe, and
fixed rule of good actions and good consciences) in no sort approves.

I am confident, the justice of my Cause, and clearness of my
Conscience before God, and toward my people, wil carry me as much
above them in Gods decision, as their Successes have lifted them above
me in the Vulgar opinion: who consider not, that many times those
undertakings of men are lifted up to heaven in the prosperity
and applause of the world, whose rise is from hell, as to the
injuriousness and oppression of the design. The prosperous winds
which oft fil the sails of Pirats, doth not justifie their piracy and
rapine.

I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul, to have
been worsted in my enforced contestation for, and vindication of the
Laws of the Land, the Freedom and Honour of Parliaments, the Rights
of my Crown, the just Liberty of my Subjects, and the true Christian
Religion in its Doctrine, Government, and due Encouragements, then if
I had, with the greatest advantages of success over-born them all;
as some men have now evidently done, whatever designes they at first
pretended.

The prayers and patience of my Friends and loving Subjects will
contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter cup, which I doubt not
but I shall more cheerfully take and drink, as from Gods hand (if it
must be so) then they can give it to me, whose hands are unjustly and
barbarously lifted up against Me.

And as to the last event, I may seem to owe more to my Enemies then
my Friends; while those will put a period to the sins and sorrows
attending this miserable life, wherewith these desire, I might still
contend.

I shall be more then Conquerour through, Christ enabling me: for whom
_I_ have hitherto suffered, as he is the Author of Truth, Order, and
Peace; for all which _I_ have been forced to contend against Errour,
Faction, and confusion.

If _I_ must suffer a violent death with my Saviour; it is but
mortality crowned with martyrdom: where the debt of death, which I
owe for sin to nature, shall be raised as a gift of faith and patience
offered to God.

Which _I_ humbly beseech him mercifully to accept; and although death
be the wages of my own sinne, as from God, and the effect of others
sinnes, as men, both against God and me; yet as _I_ hope my own sinnes
are so remitted, that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the
cup of my death, so _I_ desire God to pardon their sins, who are most
guilty of my destruction.

The Trophees of my charitie will be more glorious and durable over
them, then their ill managed victories over me.

Though their sin be prosperous, yet they had need to be penitent, that
they may be pardoned: Both which, _I_ pray God they may obtain: that
my temporal Death unjustly inflicted by them, may not be revenged by
Gods just inflicting eternal death upon them: for _I_ look upon the
temporall destruction of the greatest King, as far lesse deprecable
then the eternall damnation of the meanest Subject.

Nor do I wish other then the safe bringing of the ship to shore, when
they have cast me overboard; though it be very strange, that Mariners
can finde no other means to appease the storms themselves have raised,
but by drowning their Pilot.

I thank God, my Enemies cruelty cannot prevent my preparation;
whose malice in this I shall defeat, that they shall not have
the satisfaction to have destroyed my Soul with my Body; of whose
salvation, while some of them have themselves seemed, and taught
others to despair, they have onely discovered this, that they do not
much desire it.

Whose uncharitable and cruell Restraints, denying me even the
assistance of any of my Chaplains, hath rather enlarged, then any way
obstructed my accesse to the Throne of Heaven,

_Where thou dwellest, O King of Kings, who fillest Heaven and Earth,
who art the fountain of eternal life, in whom is no shadow of death._

_Thou, O God, art both the just Afflicter of death upon us, and the
mercifull Saviour of us in it, and from it._

_Yea, it is better for us to be dead to our selves, and live in thee;
then by living in our selves, to be deprived of thee._

_O make the many bitter aggravations of my death as a Man, and a King,
the opportunities and advantages of thy speciall Graces and Comforts
in my Soul as a Christian._

_If thou Lord wilt be with me, I shall neither fear nor feel any
evill, though I walk thorow the valley of the shadow of death._

_To contend with death is the work of a weak and mortall man; to
overcome it, is the grace of thee alone, who art the Almighty and
immortall God._

_O my Saviour, who knowest what it is to die with me as a Man; make me
know what it is to passe through death to life with thee my God._

_Though I die, yet I know that thou my Redeemer livest for ever:
though thou slayest Me, yet thou hast encouraged me to trust in thee
for eternal life._

_O withdraw not thy favour from me, which is better then life._

_O be not far from me, for I know not now neer a violent and cruel
death is to me._

_As thy Omniscience, O God, discovers, so thy Omnipotence can defeat
the designes of those who have, or shall conspire my destruction._

_O shew me the goodnesse of thy will, through the wickednesse of
theirs._

_Thou givest me leave as a man to pray, that this cup may pass from
me; but thou hast taught Me as a Christian by the example of Christ to
add not my will, but thine be done._

_Yea Lord, let our wils be one, by wholly resolving mine into thine:
let not the desire of life in me be so great, as that of doing or
suffering thy wil in either life or death._

_As I believe thou hast forgiven all the errours of my life, so I hope
thou wilt save me from the terrors of my death._

_Make me content to leave the worlds nothing, that I may come really
to enjoy all in thee, who hast made Christ unto me in life, gain; and
in death advantage._

_Though my destroyers forget their dutie to thee and me, yet do not
thou, O Lord, forget to be mercifull to them._

_For, what profit is there in my bloud, or in their gaining my
Kingdoms, if they lose their own Souls?_

_Such as have not onely resisted my just Power, but wholly usurped and
turned it against my self, though they may deserve, yet let them not
receive to themselves damnation._

_Thou madest thy Son a Saviour to many that crucified him, while at
once he suffered violently by them, and yet willingly for them._

_O let the voice of his bloud be heard for my Murtherers, louder then
the cry of mine against them._

_Prepare them for thy mercy by due convictions of their sin, and
let them not at once deceive and damne their own souls by fallacious
pretensions of Justice in destroying me, while the conscience of their
unjust usurpation of power against me, chiefly tempts them to use all
extremities against me._

_O Lord, thou knowest I have found their mercies to me as very false,
so very cruell, who pretending to preserve me, have meditated nothing
but my ruine._

_O deal not with them as bloud thirsty and deceitfull men; but
overcome their cruelty with thy compassion and my charitie._

_And when thou makest inquisition for my blood, O sprinkle their
polluted, yet penitent Souls with the bloud of thy Son, that thy
destroying Angel may passe over them._

_Though they think my Kingdoms on earth too little to entertain at
once both them and me; yet let the capacious Kingdom of thy infinite
mercy at last receive both me and my enemies._

_When being reconciled to thee in the bloud of the same Redeemer, wee
shall live far above these ambitious desires, which beget such mortall
enmities._

_When their hands shall be heaviest and cruellest upon me, O let me
fall into the arms of thy tender and eternall mercies._

_That what is cut off of my life in this miserable moment, may be
repaied in thy ever blessed Eternity._

_Lord, let thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy
salvation._

Vota dabunt, quæ Bella negârunt.

_FINIS._

  A
  PERFECT COPY OF
  PRAYERS,
  Used by His
  MAJESTIE
  in the time of His
  _SUFFERINGS_.

  _Delivered to Dr._ Juxon _Bishop of_
  London _immediately before his Death_.

  And his Speeches to the Lady _Elizabeth_ and
  the Duke of _Glocester_.

  With

  His _Reasons_ against the pretended Jurisdiction
  of the High Court of Justice; intended to
  be delivered, Munday 22 of _Janu_.
  1648.

  Also

  A Copy of a LETTER from the
  _PRINCE_.

  Printed _Anno Domini_ 1649.

_A PRAYER in time of Captivitie._

O Powerfull and Eternall God! to whom nothing is so great, that it may
resist; or so small, that it is contemned; look upon my miserie with
thine eye of mercy, and let Thine infinite power vouchsafe to limit
out some proportion of deliverance unto me, as to Thee shall seem
most convenient; let not Injurie, O Lord, triumph over me; and let my
faults by thy hand be corrected; and make not my unjust Enemies the
ministers of thy Justice: But yet my God, if in thy Wisdom this be
the aptest chastisement for my unexcusable transgressions; if this
ingratefull bondage be fittest for my over-high deserts; if the pride
of my (not enough humble) heart be thus to be broken, O Lord, I yeeld
unto thy will, and cheerfully embrace what sorrow thou wilt have me
suffer: Onely thus much let me crave of thee, (let my craving, O
Lord, be accepted of, since it even proceeds from thee) That by
thy Goodnesse, which is thy Self, thou wilt suffer some beam of
thy Majestie so to shine in my minde, that I, who in my greatest
Afflictions acknowledge it my noblest Title to be thy Creature, may
still depend confidently on Thee. Let Calamity be the exercise, but
not the overthrow of my Vertue. O let not their prevailing power be to
my destruction. And if it be thy will that they more and more vex me
with punishment; yet O Lord, never let their wickednesse have such a
hand, but that I may still carry a pure mind, and stedfast resolution
ever to serve thee without fear or presumption; yet with that humble
Confidence which may best please thee; so that at the last I may
come to thy eternall Kingdom through the merits of thy Son our alone
Saviour, Jesus Christ. _Amen_.

_Another PRAYER._

Almightie and most merciful Father, look down upon me thy unworthy
servant, who here prostrate my self at the Foot-stool of thy Throne of
Grace; but look upon me, O Father, through the Mediation, and in the
Merits of Jesus Christ, in whom thou art only wel pleased: for of my
Self I am not worthy to stand before thee, or to speak with my
unclean lips to thee, most holy and eternall God; for as in sin I was
conceived and born, so likewise I have broken all thy Commandments by
my sinful motions, unclean thoughts, evill words, and wicked works;
omitting many duties I ought to do, and committing many vices thou
hast forbidden under pain of thy heavie Displeasure: as for my sins,
O Lord, they are innumerable: wherefore I stand here liable to all the
miseries in this life, and everlasting Torments in that to come, if
thou shouldst deal with me according to my deserts. I confesse,
O Lord, that it is thy Mercie (which endureth for ever) and thy
compassion (which never fails) which is the cause that I have not
been long ago consumed: but with thee there is Mercie and plenteous
Redemption; in the multitude therefore of thy mercies, and by the
Merits of Jesus Christ, I intreat thy Divine Majestie, that thou
wouldst not enter into judgment with thy servant, nor be extreme to
mark what is done amisse, but be thou mercifull unto Me, and wash away
all my sins with that precious bloud that my Saviour shed for me. And
I beseech thee, O Lord, not onely to wash away all my sins; but also
to purge my heart by thy holy Spirit, from the dross of my natural
corruption: And as thou dost add days to my life, so good Lord, I
beseech thee to add repentance to my dayes, that when I have past this
mortall life, I may be partaker of thy everlasting Kingdom, through
the Merits of Jesus Christ our Lord, _Amen_.

_A_ PRAYER _and_ CONFESSION _made in and for the times of Affliction._

Almighty and most mercifull Father, as it is onely thy Goodnesse that
admits of our imperfect Prayers, and the knowledge that thy mercies
are infinite, which can give Us any hope of thy accepting or granting
them: so it is our bounden and necessary duty to confesse our sins
freely unto thee; And of all men living, I have most need, most reason
so to do; no man having been so much obliged by thee, no man more
grievously offending thee: that degree of knowledge which thou hast
given me adding likewise to the guilt of my transgressions. For, was
it through ignorance, that I suffered innocent bloud to be shed by a
false pretended way of Justice? or that I permitted a wrong way of
thy Worship to be set up in _Scotland?_ and injured the Bishops in
_England?_ O no; but with shame and grief I confesse, that I therein
followed the perswasions of worldly Wisdome, forsaking the Dictates
of a right-informed Conscience: Wherefore, O Lord, I have no excuse to
make, no hope left, but in the multitude of thy mercies; for I know
my repentance weak, and my prayers faulty: Grant therefore, mercifull
Father, so to strengthen my repentance, and amend my prayers, that
thou maist clear the way for thine own mercies; to which, O let
thy Justice at last give place, putting a speedy end to my deserved
afflictions. In the mean time, give me patience to endure, Constancy
against Temptations, and a discerning spirit, to chuse what is best
for thy Church, and People which thou hast committed to my charge.
Grant this, O most mercifull Father, for thy Son Jesus Christs sake,
our onely Saviour, _Amen._

_A_ PRAYER _in time of imminent Danger._

O Most merciful Father, though my sins are so many and grievous,
that I may rather expect the effects of thy anger, then so great a
deliverance, as to free me from my present great danger; yet, O Lord,
since thy mercies are over all thy works, and thou never failest to
relieve all those who with humble and unfeigned repentance come to
thee for succour, it were to multiply, not diminish my transgressions,
to despair of thy heavenly favour: Wherefore I humbly desire thy
divine Majestie, That thou wilt not onely pardon all my sins; but also
free me out of the hands, and protect me from the malice of my
cruel Enemies. But if Thy wrath against my hainous Offences will not
otherwayes be satisfied, then by suffering Me to fall under my present
afflictions, Thy will be done; yet with humble Importunity, I do and
shall never leave to implore the assistance of thy heavenly Spirit,
that my cause, as I am thy Vicegerent may not suffer through My
weakness, or want of courage, O Lord, so strengthen and enlighten all
the faculties of My mind, that with clearnesse I may shew forth Thy
Truth, and manfully endure this bloody Tryal, that so my sufferings
here may not onely glorifie Thee, but likewise be a furtherance to my
salvation hereafter. Grant this, O mercifull Father, for his sake who
suffered for me, even Jesus Christ the Righteous. _Amen._

[Illustration: Emblem]

A Copie of a Letter which was sent from the PRINCE to the KING; Dated
from the HAGUE _Jan_. 23. 1648.

SIR, _Having no means to come to the knowledge of your Majesties
present condition, but such as I receive from the Prints, or (which is
as uncertain) Report, I have sent this Bearer_ Seamour _to wait upon
your Majestie; and to bring me an account of it: that I may withall
assure your Majestie, I doe not onely pray for your Majestie according
to my Dutie, but shall alwayes be ready to doe all which shall be
in my power, to deserve that blessing which I now humbly beg of your
Majestie upon_

  (SIR)

HAGUE _Jan_. 23. 1648.

  _Your_ MAJESTIES
  _most humble and most
  obedient Son & servant
  CHARLS._

The Superscription was thus,

For the King.

[Illustraton]

Munday 29th January, 1648.

_A true Relation of the_ KINGS _Speech to the Lady_ ELISABETH, _and the
Duke of_ GLOCESTER, _the day before His Death._

His children being come to meet him, he first gave his blessing to the
Lady _Elisabeth_; and bad her remember to tell her Brother _James_,
when ever she should see him, That it was his Fathers last desire,
that he should no more look upon _Charles_ as his eldest Brother only,
but be obedient unto him, as his Soveraign; and that they should love
one another, and forgive their Fathers Enemies. Then said the King
to her, Sweet-heart you'l forget this: No (said she) _I_ shall never
forget it while I live: And pouring forth abundance of Tears, promised
him to write down the Paticulars.

Then the King taking the Duke of _Glocester_ upon his knee, said,
Sweet-heart, now they will cut off thy Fathers head; (upon which words
the child looked very stedfastly on him.) Mark child, what I say, they
will cut of my head, and perhaps make thee a King: But mark what I
say, you must not be a King so long as your Brother _Charles_ and
_James_ do live; For they will cut off your Brothers heads, (when they
can catch them) and cut off thy head too at the last: and therefore,
_I_ charge you, do not be made a King by them. At which the child,
sighing, said, I will be torn in pieces first. Which falling so
unexpectedly from one so young, it made the King rejoyce exceedingly.

_Another Relation from the Lady_ ELISABETHS _own Hand._

What the king said to me the nine and twentieth of _January_ 1648.
being the last time I had the happiness to see him; he told me, he
was glad I was come, and although he had not time to say much, yet
somewhat he had to say to me, which he had not to another, or leave in
writing, because he feared their cruelty was such, as that they would
not have permitted him to write to me, he wished me not to grieve and
torment my self for him; for that would be a glorious death that he
should dye; it being for the Laws and Liberties of this Land, and
for maintaining the true Protestant Religion. He bad me read Bishop
_Andrews_ Sermons, _Hookers Ecclesiasticall Politie_, and Bishop
_Lauds_ Book against _Fisher_, which would ground me against Popery.
He told me, he had forgiven all his Enemies, and hoped God would
forgive them also; and commanded us, and all the rest of my Brothers
and Sisters to forgive them: he bid me tell my Mother, That his
thoughts never had strayed from her, and that his love should be
the same to the last. Withall he commanded me and my Brother to
be obedient to her. And bid me send his blessing to the rest of my
Brothers and Sisters, with Commendation to all His Friends: So after
he had given me his blessing, I took my leave.

Further, he commanded us all to forgive those people, but never to
trust them; for they had been most false to him, and to those that
gave them power, and he feared also to their own souls; And desired me
not to grieve for him, for he should die a Martyr, and that he doubted
not but the Lord would settle his Throne upon his Son, and that we
should be all happier, then we could have expected to have been, if he
had lived: With many other things, which at present I cannot remember.

ELISABETH.

_Another Relation from the Lady_ Elisabeth.

The King said to the Duke of _Glocester_, that he would say nothing to
him but what was for the good of his soul: he told him, that he heard
that the Army intended to make him King; but it was a thing not for
him to take upon him, if he regarded the welfare of his soul; for
he had two Brothers before him: and therefore commanded him upon His
blessing, never to accept of it, unless it redowned lawfully upon him:
And commanded him to fear the Lord, and he would provide for him.

_Copia vera._

_An_ Epitaph _upon King_ CHARLS.

  So falls that stately Cedar: while it stood
  That was the onely glory of the Wood:
  Great _Charles_, thou earthly God, celestial _M_an,
  Whose life, like others, though it were a span:
  Yet in that span, was comprehended more
  Then Earth hath waters or the Ocean shore;
  Thy heavenly vertues, Angels shou'd rehearse,
  It is a theam too high for humane Verse:
  He that would know thee right, then let him look
  Upon Thy rare incomparable Book,
  And read it or'e and o're; which if he do,
  Hee'l find thee _king_, _and Priest_, _and Prophet too_:
  And sadly see our losse, and though in vain,
  With fruitlesse wishes, call thee back again.
  Nor shall oblivion sit upon thy Herse,
  Though there were neither Monument, nor Verse.
  Thy Suff'rings & thy Death let no man name;
  It was thy Glorie, but the Kingdoms Shame.

  _J. H._

    _His Majesties Reasons against the pretended Jurisdiction of
    the High Court of Justice, which he intended to deliver in
    writing on Munday_ January 22, 1648.

Faithfully transcribed out of the originall Copie under the Kings own
hand.

Having already made my protestations not only against the illegality
of this pretended Court, but also that no earthly power can justly
call me (who am your King) in question as a Delinquent, _I_ would not
any more open my mouth upon this occasion, more then to refer my selfe
to what I have spoken, were I alone in this case concerned. But
the duty I owe to God in the preservation of the true Liberty of my
People, will not suffer me at this time to be silent: For, how can any
free-born Subject of England call life or any thing he possesseth
his own, if power without right daily make new, and abrogate the old
fundamentall Law of the Land, which I now take to be the present
case. Wherefore when I came hither, I expected that you would have
indeavoured to have satisfied me concerning these grounds, which
hinder me to Answer to your pretended Impeachment, but since I see
that nothing I can say will move you to it (though Negatives are not
so naturally proved as Affirmatives) yet I will shew you the Reason
why I am confident you cannot judge me, nor indeed the meanest man in
England; for I will not (like you) without shewing a reason, seek to
impose a belief upon My Subjects.

[Sidenote: _Hereabout I was stopt, and not suffered to speake any more
concerning Reasons._]

There is no proceeding just against any man, but what is warranted
either by Gods Laws, or the municipall Lawes of the Country where he
lives. Now I am most confident, that this daies proceeding cannot be
warranted by Gods Law, for on the contrary the authority of obedience
unto Kings is cleerly warranted and strictly commanded both in the Old
and New Testament; which if denied, I am ready to prove: and for the
question now in hand, there it is said, That _where the word of a
King is, there is Power, and who may say unto him, what doest thou_?
_Eccles._ 8. 4. Then for the Lawes of this land, I am no lesse
confident, that no learned Lawyer will affirme that an impeachment
can lie against the King, they all going in his name; and one of their
Maximes is, _that the King can do no wrong_. Besides, the law upon
which you ground your proceedings, must either be old or new; if old
shew it; if new, tell what authority warranted by the fundamentall
Laws of the land hath made it, and when. But how the House of Commons
can erect a Court of Judicature, which was never one it self (as is
well known to all Lawyers) I leave to God and the World to judge; And
it were full as strange that they should pretend to make Laws without
King or Lords-House, to any that have heard speak of the Lawes of
England.

And admitting, but not granting, that the people of Englands
Commission could grant your pretended Power, I see nothing you can
shew for that; for certainly you never asked the question of the tenth
man of the Kingdom, and in this way you manifestly wrong even the
poorest Plough-man, if you demand not his free consent; nor can you
pretend any colour for this your pretended Commission without the
consent at least of the major part of every man in England, of
whatsoever quality or condition, which I am sure, you never went about
to seek; so far are you from having it. Thus you see that I speak
not for my own right alone, as I am your King, but also for the true
Liberty of all my Subjects, which consists not in sharing the power
of Government, but in living under such Laws, such a Government as
may give themselves the best assurance of their lives and propriety of
their goods. Nor in this must or do I forget the priviledges of both
Houses of Parliament, which this dayes proceedings doth not only
violate, but likewise occasion the greatest breach of their Publike
Faith that (I beleeve) ever was heard of, with which I am far from
charging the two houses: for all the pretended crimes laid against me,
bear date long before this late Treaty at Newport, in which I having
concluded as much as in me lay, and hopefully expecting the two Houses
agreement thereunto, I was suddenly surprized, and hurried from thence
as a Prisoner, upon which accompt I am against my will brought hither,
where since I am come, I cannot but to my power defend the ancient
Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom, together with my own just Right;
then for any thing I can see the higher house is totally excluded.

And for the House of Commons, it is too well known that the major
part of them are detained or deterr'd from sitting, so as if I had no
other, this were sufficient for me to protest against the lawfulnesse
of your pretended Court. Besides all this, the peace of the Kingdom is
not the least in my thoughts; and what hopes of settlement is there so
long as power raignes without rule of Law, changing the whole frame
of that government under which this Kingdom hath flourished for
many hundred years, (nor will I say what will fall out in case this
lawlesse unjust proceeding against me do go on) & beleeve it the
Commons of England will not thanke you for this change, for they will
remember how happy they have been of late years under the raign of Q.
_Elizabeth_, the King my Father and my self, untill the beginning of
these unhappy troubles, and wil have cause to doubt that they shall
never be so happy under any new. And by this time it will be too
sensibly evident, that the Armes I took up were only to defend the
fundamentall Laws of this Kingdom, against those who have supposed my
power hath totally changed the ancient Government.

Thus having shewed you briefly the Reasons, why I cannot submit to
your pretended authority without violating the trust which I have
from God, for the welfare and liberty of my people; I expect from you
either clear Reasons to convince my Judgment, shewing me that I am
in an error (and then truly I will readily answer) or that you will
withdraw your proceedings.

_This I intended to speake in Westminster-Hall on Monday 22. January,
but against reason was hindered to shew my Reasons._

FINIS.

Transcriber's note.

Inconsistencies in spelling, grammar, capitalisation and punctuation
have generally been retained, unless the inconsistency is obviously an
error.

e.g. Iustice and Justice (etc.) are both used; wickednss (page 53)
may be a printer's error, or the author's contraction. There are a few
instances of 'wickednesse', and only one of 'wickedness'; there are
a few instances of 'yeild', and 'yeeld', but none of 'yield'; 'then'
is used throughout the book as modern writers would use 'than'; and
apostrophes are notable by their absence.

The prefix 'un' is used where a modern writer would use 'in'. Many
other words have more than one spelling. Phonetic spellings have been
retained.

'proreption' (p. 66) means 'slow advance' (Google Books).

The long 's', prevalent at the time, has been updated to
the modern 's', which even in 1649 was used at the ends of words.

There are some instances of what seem to be genuine errata:--

Sundry missing, damaged or extraneous punctuation has been repaired.

Explanation of the Emblem: 'deprrss'd' corrected to 'depress'd':
"_Palm_-like _depress'd_, I higher rise"

p. 15: 'agaist' corrected to 'against': "have purposed any violence
or oppression against the Innocent"

p. 24: 'assawge' corrected to 'asswage': "and after did'st asswage the
floud which drowned the world,"

p. 42: 'kinkled' corrected to 'kindled': "the brands of that fire
being ill quenched, have kindled the like flames here."

p. 51: 'noreable' corrected to 'noteable'*: "he is now become a
noteable monument of unprosperous disloialtie,"

p. 59: 'and' corrected to 'an': "I must now be urged with an Armie,"

p. 63: 'one' corrected to 'on': "unfortunate Successes of this War, on
my side, I do not think my"

p. 73: 'no' corrected to 'to': "if not to conquer, yet at least to
suffer."

p. 74: 'eclisp' corrected to 'eclipse': "strip me of my strength, and
eclipse my glory."

p. 77: 'Popositions' corrected to 'Propositions': "propound, (for such
is one of their Propositions)"

p. 82: removed extraneous 'in': "to the Laws in force,"

p. 87: 'suppplication' corrected to 'supplication': "To thee I make my
supplication,"

p. 98: 'with' corrected to 'which': "destroying the innocent with the
guilty, & the erroneous with the malicious;"

p. 106: 'ont' corrected to 'out': "they lay out upon their opinions"

p. 107: 'contemus' corrected to 'contemns': "that the other rejects
and contemns;"

p. 120: 'clomencie' corrected to 'clemencie': "and thy clemencie hath
accepted from us,"

p. 121: 'theia' corrected to 'their': "the Charity of most men is
grown so cold, and their Religion so illiberall."

p. 121: 'net' corrected to 'not': "Let not holy things be given to
Swine"

p. 137: 'migh' corrected to 'might': "he might seem to justifie his
disdainfull reproaches,"

p. 141: 'too' corrected to 'to': "where not the words, but mens hearts
are to blame."

p. 144: 'nse' corrected to 'use': "That further, they should use such
severity as"

p. 154: 'Goverment' corrected to 'Government': "such a frame or
Government which is paternall,"

p. 158: 'Hospitaliy' corrected to 'Hospitality': "also enablements to
works of Charitie and Hospitality,"

p. 161: 'judement' corrected to 'judgement': "to my judgement, I am
solemnly obliged to"

p. 172: 'bnt' corrected to 'but': "not to trust in the arm of Flesh,
but in the living God."

p. 179: 'afficting' corrected to 'afflicting': "Between both thy
hands, the right sometimes supporting, and the left afflicting,
fashion us"

p. 180: 'punishmenes' corrected to 'punishments': "punishing my self
in their punishments."

p. 184: 'abrogae' corrected to 'abrogate': "by the Sword to arrogate,
and quite abrogate the Authority of"

p. 186: 'moudls' corrected to 'moulds': "would not run into their new
moulds, till they had first melted"

p. 187: 'Christans' corrected to 'Christians': "appear good
Christians, that approve not them selves good Subjects."

p. 192: 'thrist' corrected to 'thirst': "the most ambitious thirst of
popular glory among the Vulgar"

p. 196: 'pnrpose' corrected to 'purpose': "Fix in me a purpose to
honour thee, and then"

p. 201: 'wordls' corrected to 'worlds': "the worlds vanity and
inconstancie."

p. 205: 'estabish' corrected to 'establish': "because thou Lord, hast
holpen and comforted me; establish me with thy free Spirit,"

p. 207: 'christias' corrected to 'christians': "then is ever used by
christians to the meanest prisoners,"

p. 215: 'Honse' corrected to 'House': "when wee went to meet in thy
House with the voice of joy and gladnesse,"

p. 221: 'Sate' corrected to 'State': "In suppressing the many schismes
in Church, and Factions in State."

p. 223: removed extraneous 'if': "May my people and thy Church be
happie if not by me, yet without me."

p. 230: 'abonnd' corrected to 'abound': "they cannot want Enemies who
abound in sin; nor shall they be"

p. 251: 'you' corrected to 'your': "Soul in true Religion, and your
honour in the love of God and"

p. 251: 'you' corrected to 'your': "let my Memory ever, with my Name,
live in you; as of your Father,"

p. 254: 'lttle' corrected to 'little': "Indeed, they have left me but
little of life,"

p. 254: 'magnaminity' corrected to 'magnanimity': "yet to suffer with
such Christian patience and magnanimity, in"

p. 255: 'afflicton' corrected to 'affliction': "The assaults of
affliction may be terrible,"

p. 255: 'Freinds' corrected to 'Friends': "my Friends and loving
Subjects being helpless Spectators"

p. 257: 'guitly' corrected to 'guilty': "the cheifest hand, and are
most guilty of contriving"

p. 265: 'acceesse' corrected to 'accesse': "any way obstructed my
accesse to the Throne of Heaven,"

p. 273: 'acknowlede' corrected to 'acknowledge': "who in my greatest
Afflictions acknowledge it"

    * The spelling, 'noteable', is also used in the title of a book
      published 1635:

    "A direction for the English traviller by which he shal be inabled
    to coast about all England and Wales. And also to know how farre
    any market or noteable towne in any shire lyeth one from an other
     ... As also the distance betweene London and any other shire or
    great towne."
          ... J. van Langeren sculp.

End of Project Gutenberg's Eikon Basilike, by King Charles I (Stuart)

Eikon Basilike
The Pourtracture of His Sacred Majestie, in His Solitudes and Sufferings

King of England Charles I and John Gauden